The state of Human Rights in Bangladesh has deteriorated over 2007 under the military government. Amnesty International Report 2008 provides a quick glimpses of the human rights breaches in Bangladesh which is a must read for human rights activists. Earlier, the US State Department's Human Rights report claimed that human rights records worsened in Bangladesh.
Human rights were severely restricted under a state of emergency imposed in the wake of widespread political violence. Hundreds of thousands of people were reportedly arrested on suspicion of criminal activity or breaches of emergency rules. Torture continued to be widespread. Law enforcement agencies were implicated in the deaths of more than 100 people in custody, but no one was held to account for the deaths. At least six men were executed.
Background
Following weeks of violent clashes between the supporters of the main political parties, a state of emergency was declared on 11 January. Elections scheduled for 22 January were postponed until 2008. President Iajuddin Ahmed appointed a new caretaker government headed by Fakhruddin Ahmed as Chief Adviser and supported by the army, and the army was deployed with the police to maintain law and order.
The new government embarked on an anti-corruption programme, and took steps towards judicial and electoral reform, but the pace of reforms was disappointingly slow. There were also widespread concerns both about the role of the army in the country’s political life and about economic problems, including a sharp rise in the cost of food and other essential goods.
The government announced that it had initiated the creation of a National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). The authorities were urged by Amnesty International to ensure that the NHRC’s mandate, independence and resources would enable it to be an effective mechanism for strengthening human rights protection.
More than 60,000 slum dwellers were forcibly evicted when the government demolished slums in Dhaka, and also in Chittagong and Khulna. They were given no alternative accommodation or compensation.
Cyclone Sidr which hit south-western areas in mid-November caused severe devastation to over a million people’s homes and livelihoods and killed more than 3,000 people.
State of emergency restrictions
Emergency rules restricted freedom of association and assembly, withdrew some constitutional safeguards against arbitrary arrest and gave far-reaching powers of arrest to law enforcement agencies. The ban on political meetings was partially lifted in September to allow political parties to prepare for dialogue with the Election Commission on electoral reforms. Members of parties supported by the authorities were allowed to meet with no restrictions throughout the year.
Fair trial safeguards were weakened by the use of Special Courts which imposed tight restrictions on defendants’ access to lawyers, and by the denial of bail to defendants charged under emergency regulations.
Police and security forces – torture and deaths in custody
The security forces, including army and paramilitary units deployed under emergency rule with the police, committed human rights violations with impunity, including torture and other ill-treatment and alleged extrajudicial executions. The police force was inadequately trained and equipped and lacked effective accountability and oversight mechanisms. Army personnel accused of human rights violations remained almost entirely outside the purview of civilian judicial accountability mechanisms.
Rang Lai Mro, a community leader in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, was arrested on 23 February and allegedly tortured by army personnel. He required hospital treatment for his injuries. He was charged with possession of arms and reportedly sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment. In October he was reportedly taken back into police custody, beaten again, and once more needed hospital treatment. There was no reported investigation into the torture allegations.
Sahebullah was reportedly detained on 16 May by Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) personnel and tortured in the office of the director of the Rajshahi Medical College Hospital. Both his legs were reportedly broken. He was arrested after demanding that a doctor attend to his wife, who had not been treated for 12 hours. She died the next day.
Law enforcement agencies were implicated in the deaths of more than 100 people in custody. No action was apparently taken to bring those responsible to justice.
Khabirul Islam Dulal, from Char Fashion Municipality in Bohla district, was arrested by navy personnel on 20 February. He was reportedly beaten, thrown in a pond with his hands tied with rope, and beaten again. He died that evening.
Garo indigenous leader Cholesh Richil died on 18 May while in the custody of Joint Forces (army and police) personnel. There were strong indications that he died under torture. Three other members of the Garo community – Tohin Hadima, Piren Simsung and Protap Jambila – were arrested at the same time and reportedly tortured. The government set up a judicial inquiry into Cholesh Richil’s death, but there was no news about it by the year’s end.
Arbitrary detention
According to media reports, officials stated that over 440,000 people were arrested on various grounds during the year. Many detainees were detained arbitrarily, initially held under emergency rules, then served with a detention order under the 1974 Special Powers Act (SPA). Some were then charged with politically motivated criminal offences.
Some people held under emergency rules were accused of “extortion” or other criminal activity. Detainees included over 160 politicians from the main political parties, as well as some wealthy business people. A number of detainees held without trial under emergency regulations or the SPA were reportedly tortured or ill-treated.
Shahidul Islam, a human rights activist, was charged with murder on the basis of a “confession” by another detainee, Badrul, in February. This charge blocked the release of Shahidul Islam when his detention order under the SPA expired in late February. Badrul retracted his original statement in court, saying he had been forced to make it by police. However, the charge against Shahidul Islam was not dropped and he was reportedly tortured in detention before being released on bail in late August.
Following clashes in August between law enforcement agencies and students in Dhaka and Rajshahi demanding an end to the state of emergency, 10 university lecturers from Dhaka and Rajshahi universities were detained. They were prisoners of conscience. Dozens of students were also arrested, accused of involvement in clashes. The six Rajshahi University lecturers were released in December but the four Dhaka University lecturers remained in detention.
Freedom of expression
Although wide-ranging emergency restrictions on the news media were not strictly enforced, their continued existence intensified self-censorship by journalists and editors. Journalists were threatened with arrest if they criticized intelligence agencies or the army.
Arifur Rahman, a cartoonist, was arrested on 17 September over a cartoon that used the name of the prophet Muhammad, following threats by Islamist groups. He was charged with “hurting religious sentiments” and was a prisoner of conscience. A 30-day detention order was issued against him under the SPA and extended for a further three months.
Human rights defenders
As in previous years, human rights defenders were subjected to arbitrary detention and torture. Lawyers were allegedly threatened with arrest on corruption charges if they took up high-profile cases.
Prisoner of conscience Tasneem Khalil, a journalist who worked with the Daily Star newspaper, CNN and Human Rights Watch, was detained on 11 May and reportedly tortured because he had supplied information on human rights violations.
Prisoner of conscience Jahangir Alam Akash, journalist and local head of two human rights organizations, was arrested on 24 October by RAB agents in the north-western city of Rajshahi. He was reportedly given electric shocks, was beaten on the soles of his feet with a stick, and was hung from the ceiling with his hands tied. He was transferred to the Rajshahi Jail hospital with multiple injuries. His detention followed his television news report in May about the shooting of an unarmed man by RAB agents. He was charged with extortion, a charge widely believed to be false and politically motivated, and held in detention for over a month before being released on bail.
Justice system
The government took steps to implement the Supreme Court’s 1999 ruling requiring separation of the judiciary from the executive, including amendments to relevant laws. On 1 November the new system came into effect. However, reports indicated that executive magistrates would retain some judicial powers.
Past human rights abuses
Demands gathered momentum during the year for the investigation of war crimes, crimes against humanity and other serious violations of human rights and humanitarian law committed in 1971. However, as in the past, no action was taken by the government to implement the 1973 International Crimes (Tribunals) Act and no official commission was ever established to provide a comprehensive account of the events of 1971, to determine responsibilities and to make recommendations for reparation for the victims.
Violence against women
Violence against women continued to be reported, including beatings, acid attacks and dowry deaths.
In Kushtia district, in the month of June alone, police and hospital records reportedly revealed that at least 19 women committed suicide and 65 more attempted suicide because of violence by their husbands or family members.
Death penalty
At least 90 men and three women were sentenced to death, and at least six men were executed.
Thursday, July 31, 2008
Poorly paid, exploited at will, extorted even
Bangladeshi Workers In Kuwait
Poorly paid, exploited at will, extorted even
Porimol Palma
Source: Daily Star
July 31, 2008
Most of over 2 lakh Bangladeshi workers in Kuwait get monthly salary as low as Kuwaiti dinar (KD) 20-25 (equivalent to Tk 5,000-6,500) and cannot recover the amount they invest for the overseas job even in three to four years.
Some employers even extort them by charging for health insurances, annual renewal of residency permits and even for vacation. All these leave the workers under precarious conditions who pay around Tk 2 lakh to find a job in the oil-rich Gulf nation.
These are the reasons why the Bangladeshi workers have recently taken a strong position demanding pay hike and other facilities, said a former official of Bangladesh mission in Kuwait.
About 20 percent of the Bangladeshi expatriates are engineers, architects, doctors, nurses, junior executives, supervisors and petty businessmen, while the rest are low-paid general workers. Most of the workers serve in the cleaning companies or work as agricultural labourers, shepherds and houseboys or housemaids.
The low-paid workers sometimes tend to do extra jobs or part-time businesses in violation of the Kuwaiti laws, while some even get engaged in crime to recover their expended money, the official said on the basis of his experience.
He said, "In some cases it was found that some workers were withdrawn from job without any reason or prior notice. They are kept idle for several months without salary and food. Workers who speak out their grievances are invariably victimised."
He said instances are there that the supervisors, foremen and managers abuse and beat up them with hands and if the matter is reported to the Arab bosses, they even kick them. Vocal workers are victimised and deported with false cases, he noted.
The former embassy official said, "If some of the workers make complaints to the Social Affairs Department of Kuwait, it takes several months to reach a solution. By this time the workers are sacked or their residency permits are cancelled. Eventually, the poor workers fall in more trouble and are forced to return home without a solution."
These statements are fully reflected in the recent incidents where thousands of Bangladeshi workers protested against low salaries and other abuse and the Kuwaiti government has started deporting many of them on charges of instigating demonstrations.
The demonstrators who were employed by cleaning companies and assigned under government projects said they were promised of KD 50 but were paid only KD 18 a month.
Besides, some of them are even forced to work 16 hours a day without overtime payment, while managers of a company beat up some workers for no reasons and deduct KD 5 per day if they fail to turn up due to illness, said a demonstrating worker, reported Arab Times recently.
He alleged the company compels them to buy plane tickets from a certain travel agency, which charges exorbitant fares. "The company also does not allow us to take sick leave. How can we work under such an environment?" the aggrieved worker asked.
Quoting the workers, Shahriar Kader Siddiky, labour counsellor of Bangladesh embassy in Kuwait, told The Daily Star many workers couldn't go on leave over the last eight to 10 years as the company didn't allow them.
Even if a worker is granted leave for returning home, the company charges him KD 30 as security money for getting the passport deposited with it. But they never get back the money when they join work again, Siddiky said quoting the workers.
Asked if the workers have job contracts, he said, "I asked the workers to show us the job contracts they had signed. But they didn't do so."
He however said it is unfortunate that many workers are forced to sign job contracts that are different from those signed before their arrival.
"Unscrupulous recruiting agencies and middlemen have a role in it," he observed.
Poorly paid, exploited at will, extorted even
Porimol Palma
Source: Daily Star
July 31, 2008
Most of over 2 lakh Bangladeshi workers in Kuwait get monthly salary as low as Kuwaiti dinar (KD) 20-25 (equivalent to Tk 5,000-6,500) and cannot recover the amount they invest for the overseas job even in three to four years.
Some employers even extort them by charging for health insurances, annual renewal of residency permits and even for vacation. All these leave the workers under precarious conditions who pay around Tk 2 lakh to find a job in the oil-rich Gulf nation.
These are the reasons why the Bangladeshi workers have recently taken a strong position demanding pay hike and other facilities, said a former official of Bangladesh mission in Kuwait.
About 20 percent of the Bangladeshi expatriates are engineers, architects, doctors, nurses, junior executives, supervisors and petty businessmen, while the rest are low-paid general workers. Most of the workers serve in the cleaning companies or work as agricultural labourers, shepherds and houseboys or housemaids.
The low-paid workers sometimes tend to do extra jobs or part-time businesses in violation of the Kuwaiti laws, while some even get engaged in crime to recover their expended money, the official said on the basis of his experience.
He said, "In some cases it was found that some workers were withdrawn from job without any reason or prior notice. They are kept idle for several months without salary and food. Workers who speak out their grievances are invariably victimised."
He said instances are there that the supervisors, foremen and managers abuse and beat up them with hands and if the matter is reported to the Arab bosses, they even kick them. Vocal workers are victimised and deported with false cases, he noted.
The former embassy official said, "If some of the workers make complaints to the Social Affairs Department of Kuwait, it takes several months to reach a solution. By this time the workers are sacked or their residency permits are cancelled. Eventually, the poor workers fall in more trouble and are forced to return home without a solution."
These statements are fully reflected in the recent incidents where thousands of Bangladeshi workers protested against low salaries and other abuse and the Kuwaiti government has started deporting many of them on charges of instigating demonstrations.
The demonstrators who were employed by cleaning companies and assigned under government projects said they were promised of KD 50 but were paid only KD 18 a month.
Besides, some of them are even forced to work 16 hours a day without overtime payment, while managers of a company beat up some workers for no reasons and deduct KD 5 per day if they fail to turn up due to illness, said a demonstrating worker, reported Arab Times recently.
He alleged the company compels them to buy plane tickets from a certain travel agency, which charges exorbitant fares. "The company also does not allow us to take sick leave. How can we work under such an environment?" the aggrieved worker asked.
Quoting the workers, Shahriar Kader Siddiky, labour counsellor of Bangladesh embassy in Kuwait, told The Daily Star many workers couldn't go on leave over the last eight to 10 years as the company didn't allow them.
Even if a worker is granted leave for returning home, the company charges him KD 30 as security money for getting the passport deposited with it. But they never get back the money when they join work again, Siddiky said quoting the workers.
Asked if the workers have job contracts, he said, "I asked the workers to show us the job contracts they had signed. But they didn't do so."
He however said it is unfortunate that many workers are forced to sign job contracts that are different from those signed before their arrival.
"Unscrupulous recruiting agencies and middlemen have a role in it," he observed.
Wednesday, July 30, 2008
An American Jailed in Bangladesh
In early 1992, 18-year-old Lia McCord got an offer she couldnt refuse.: Go to Bangladesh, pick up some packages and return home to Texas with $20,000. Simple. However, the packages were in fact heroin and her contact was violent and controlling. Following a botched escape from her hotel McCord was arrested at Zia International Airport in Dhaka with 7 lbs. of heroin strapped to her body. It was then that her descent into hell really began. She narrowly escaped the death penalty, but was sentenced to 30 years. As a model prisoner, she came to the attention of Congressman Bill Richardson, who appealed to the President of Bangladesh. It was successful, and she was released in July 1996. She now lives and works near Washington DC.
Watch her story here from National Geographic:
Watch her story here from National Geographic:
Bangladesh president is facing questions
Bangladesh president's powers in question
By Rater Zonaki
Column: Humanity or Humor?
Source: UPI Asia Online
July 29, 2008
Bangladesh's President Iazuddin Ahmed is now in a critical situation. The Supreme Court has declared that the president has no constitutional authority to impose any rules that are not related to calling a general election as long as there is no Parliament in the country.
Also, the media has exposed a "canal scandal" by members of the president's family, alleging abuse of power. The situation has given rise to questions as to whether the president will remain in office, and who will replace him in the coming days?
On July 13, after a long hearing, the High Court passed a verdict in a case challenging the legality of an ordinance on Muslim marriage registration and divorce. Three senior lawyers submitted arguments as friend-of-the-court briefs. The court ruled that the president, as head of an unelected caretaker regime, has no authority to impose an ordinance that is irrelevant to an election. The court declared such an action to be beyond the powers granted the president by the Constitution, and thus null and void.
The High Court's decision has already been challenged by the military-controlled government before the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court. Therefore the people must wait for the issue to be resolved at the highest level of the judiciary – which has already created controversy by abdicating its own constitutional power to consider granting bail to people arrested under the current government’s emergency laws.
However, the High Court's decision has already shaken the government’s policymakers and raised questions concerning the legality of some 77 ordinances passed since the State of Emergency was proclaimed on Jan. 11, 2007. The president has been giving his consent by default to ordinances drafted by the military-controlled government, regardless of the necessity and legality of these so-called laws.
Adding to the president’s woes, a Bangladeshi newspaper published a report on July 23 alleging that part of a canal in the capital city of Dhaka has been permanently leased to the president's wife, Professor Anowara Begum, who is the chairperson of the governing body of the British Columbia School situated adjacent to the canal.
The process of leasing the submerged land was initiated by the president on Nov. 2, 2006 – less than 48 hours after he took the oath of office as chief adviser of the caretaker government on Oct. 31. The previous government of Khaleda Zia had rejected the same deal, after considering objections raised by various ministry officials.
The authorities handed over the submerged land to the president’s wife on June 17, 2007. The media have found a number of irregularities in the whole process.
Ever since the president took over the office of chief adviser – equivalent to the prime minister – of the caretaker government, there have been debates concerning the legality of his move. The two recent incidents have brought the president’s relationship with the law into further question.
First, if the 77 ordinances imposed by the president under the military-controlled regime are illegal, what happens to the orders and decisions taken under those ordinances? Emergency powers laws have been used to arrest, detain and implicate hundreds of thousands of persons in Bangladesh; what will happen to the victims of these illegitimate ordinances? Who will be held responsible for such a disaster? How will the responsible persons and officials be brought to justice and punished, or will they be given amnesty?
The second issue concerns the president’s own position. Iazuddin Ahmed completed his five-year term in office on Sept. 5, 2007, but since there has been no Parliament to elect a new president, he has simply continued in office.
Ahmed’s critics are putting pressure on him to step down as a result of the "canal scandal." To take responsibility for his actions, he should hand over the office to the speaker of the Parliament, Jamir Uddin Sarkir, according to the Constitution.
Another group of critics suspects that army chief Moeen U Ahmed wishes to hold the office of president, even though in public he denies this. Some even suspect that this ambition was behind the approval of the canal deal in June 2007 – and the subsequent disclosure of the deal one year later – in order to create space for pro-military intellectuals and journalists to call for the general to take over the office of president.
Those who calculate the politics of power say that Sarkir, the speaker – who has links to the Bangladesh Nationalist Party – may not be considered impartial enough to serve as the country’s president. Therefore, pro-military voices say, in order to maintain the neutrality of the office, General Moeen should be "persuaded" to grace the nation by taking the role of head of state.
In these complicated circumstances, the people of Bangladesh are waiting to see whether any real investigation takes place into the president’s alleged wrongdoing, whether he steps down and who replaces him. When these questions are answered they may be able to guess who caused them all to be raised in the first place.
________________
(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender based in Hong Kong working at the Asian Human Rights Commission. He is a Bangladeshi national with a degree in literature from a university in Dhaka. He began his career as a journalist in 1990 and engaged in human rights activism at the grassroots level in his country for more than a decade. He also worked as an editor for publications on human rights and socio-cultural issues and contributed to other similar publications.)
By Rater Zonaki
Column: Humanity or Humor?
Source: UPI Asia Online
July 29, 2008
Bangladesh's President Iazuddin Ahmed is now in a critical situation. The Supreme Court has declared that the president has no constitutional authority to impose any rules that are not related to calling a general election as long as there is no Parliament in the country.
Also, the media has exposed a "canal scandal" by members of the president's family, alleging abuse of power. The situation has given rise to questions as to whether the president will remain in office, and who will replace him in the coming days?
On July 13, after a long hearing, the High Court passed a verdict in a case challenging the legality of an ordinance on Muslim marriage registration and divorce. Three senior lawyers submitted arguments as friend-of-the-court briefs. The court ruled that the president, as head of an unelected caretaker regime, has no authority to impose an ordinance that is irrelevant to an election. The court declared such an action to be beyond the powers granted the president by the Constitution, and thus null and void.
The High Court's decision has already been challenged by the military-controlled government before the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court. Therefore the people must wait for the issue to be resolved at the highest level of the judiciary – which has already created controversy by abdicating its own constitutional power to consider granting bail to people arrested under the current government’s emergency laws.
However, the High Court's decision has already shaken the government’s policymakers and raised questions concerning the legality of some 77 ordinances passed since the State of Emergency was proclaimed on Jan. 11, 2007. The president has been giving his consent by default to ordinances drafted by the military-controlled government, regardless of the necessity and legality of these so-called laws.
Adding to the president’s woes, a Bangladeshi newspaper published a report on July 23 alleging that part of a canal in the capital city of Dhaka has been permanently leased to the president's wife, Professor Anowara Begum, who is the chairperson of the governing body of the British Columbia School situated adjacent to the canal.
The process of leasing the submerged land was initiated by the president on Nov. 2, 2006 – less than 48 hours after he took the oath of office as chief adviser of the caretaker government on Oct. 31. The previous government of Khaleda Zia had rejected the same deal, after considering objections raised by various ministry officials.
The authorities handed over the submerged land to the president’s wife on June 17, 2007. The media have found a number of irregularities in the whole process.
Ever since the president took over the office of chief adviser – equivalent to the prime minister – of the caretaker government, there have been debates concerning the legality of his move. The two recent incidents have brought the president’s relationship with the law into further question.
First, if the 77 ordinances imposed by the president under the military-controlled regime are illegal, what happens to the orders and decisions taken under those ordinances? Emergency powers laws have been used to arrest, detain and implicate hundreds of thousands of persons in Bangladesh; what will happen to the victims of these illegitimate ordinances? Who will be held responsible for such a disaster? How will the responsible persons and officials be brought to justice and punished, or will they be given amnesty?
The second issue concerns the president’s own position. Iazuddin Ahmed completed his five-year term in office on Sept. 5, 2007, but since there has been no Parliament to elect a new president, he has simply continued in office.
Ahmed’s critics are putting pressure on him to step down as a result of the "canal scandal." To take responsibility for his actions, he should hand over the office to the speaker of the Parliament, Jamir Uddin Sarkir, according to the Constitution.
Another group of critics suspects that army chief Moeen U Ahmed wishes to hold the office of president, even though in public he denies this. Some even suspect that this ambition was behind the approval of the canal deal in June 2007 – and the subsequent disclosure of the deal one year later – in order to create space for pro-military intellectuals and journalists to call for the general to take over the office of president.
Those who calculate the politics of power say that Sarkir, the speaker – who has links to the Bangladesh Nationalist Party – may not be considered impartial enough to serve as the country’s president. Therefore, pro-military voices say, in order to maintain the neutrality of the office, General Moeen should be "persuaded" to grace the nation by taking the role of head of state.
In these complicated circumstances, the people of Bangladesh are waiting to see whether any real investigation takes place into the president’s alleged wrongdoing, whether he steps down and who replaces him. When these questions are answered they may be able to guess who caused them all to be raised in the first place.
________________
(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender based in Hong Kong working at the Asian Human Rights Commission. He is a Bangladeshi national with a degree in literature from a university in Dhaka. He began his career as a journalist in 1990 and engaged in human rights activism at the grassroots level in his country for more than a decade. He also worked as an editor for publications on human rights and socio-cultural issues and contributed to other similar publications.)
Tuesday, July 29, 2008
Education privilege abused for politics
July 20, 2008
Over 5,000 educational institutions were unnecessarily entitled to monthly pay order (MPO) by the last two political governments, leading to an annual loss of Tk 600 crore.
A school, college or madrasa won't be eligible for MPO if there is another such institution within three kilometres in rural and one kilometre in urban areas. Besides, an institution for a population of minimum 8,000 can apply for MPO.
These rules along with many others were grossly violated in the last ten years of political governments' rule, especially during the tenure of the BNP-Jamaat government. Many BNP and Jamaat legislators and politicians set up huge number of non-government institutions unnecessarily and named those after themselves, family members or senior politicians.
Most of the educational institutions were set up during this era on the basis of personal choice or political gain rather than necessity and were entitled to MPO.
These leaders and policymakers did not take any steps to establish around 3,000 institutions required especially in Dhaka and Sylhet divisions, according to a study of Bangladesh Bureau of Educational Information and Statistics (Banbeis).
As many as 3,063 institutions -- 897 high schools, 57 colleges, 706 madrasas, 831 vocational Institutions and 572 business management institutions -- are badly needed in the remote areas in Dhaka, Chittagong and Sylhet.
But the Ministry of Education and the Directorate of Secondary and Higher Education (DSHE), popularly known as Shikkha Bhaban, approved excess 5,125 institutions including 3,035 non-government high schools, 671 colleges and 1,419 madrasas elsewhere and entitled those to MPO under political pressure.
The Banbeis study on "Location of Educational Institutions as per Electoral Constituency" shows that most of these institutions are situated in Rajshahi, Khulna and Barisal divisions.
DSHE Director General Prof KM Aurangazeb said an expert committee of renowned educationists should be formed to identify the areas requiring new educational institutions.
"Shikkha Bhaban spends Tk 3,043 crore annually on MPO. Yes, some additional institutions were entitled to MPO violating the rules. But Shikkha Bhaban brought those institutions under MPO as per the direction of the education ministry," Prof Aurangazeb told The Daily Star.
At least nine teachers and two employees are working at each MPO-enlisted institution and the government has to spend Tk 90,000 to Tk 1.3 lakh every month for each of these institutions, sources at DSHE say.
Dinajpur tops the list of districts having additional non-government educational institutions with highest 427. Jessore has second highest 372 and Rajshahi has 344 institutions.
On the other hand, 211 non-government institutions including 102 schools are required in Habiganj, but no initiatives have been taken to set up any, Banbeis sources say.
Besides, according to rules, 57 institutions including 31 schools should be entitled to MPO but only 36 got it.
Academicians say the government's target to take education to every door won't be successful without removing the discrimination in setting up schools, colleges and madrasas and allowing MPO.
"Many people are still deprived of education as there is no educational institutions near them. On the other hand, huge public fund is being wasted as many schools, colleges and madrasas were enlisted in senior politicians' areas in spite of having sufficient institutions within eight kilometres," said a top official of the ministry.
In Rajshahi division, nearly 9,000 institutions were enlisted which is about one-third of the country's MPO-enlisted institutions.
Ministry sources say many senior leaders of BNP and Jamaat set up institutions in their respective areas although there were enough institutions. For this reason, additional 1,689 schools, 457 colleges and 692 madrasas were enlisted only in Rajshahi division violating MPO rules.
On the other hand, Dhaka, Chittagong and Sylhet divisions and some other areas need 897 schools, 57 colleges and 706 madrasas where students are being deprived of education.
Over 5,000 educational institutions were unnecessarily entitled to monthly pay order (MPO) by the last two political governments, leading to an annual loss of Tk 600 crore.
A school, college or madrasa won't be eligible for MPO if there is another such institution within three kilometres in rural and one kilometre in urban areas. Besides, an institution for a population of minimum 8,000 can apply for MPO.
These rules along with many others were grossly violated in the last ten years of political governments' rule, especially during the tenure of the BNP-Jamaat government. Many BNP and Jamaat legislators and politicians set up huge number of non-government institutions unnecessarily and named those after themselves, family members or senior politicians.
Most of the educational institutions were set up during this era on the basis of personal choice or political gain rather than necessity and were entitled to MPO.
These leaders and policymakers did not take any steps to establish around 3,000 institutions required especially in Dhaka and Sylhet divisions, according to a study of Bangladesh Bureau of Educational Information and Statistics (Banbeis).
As many as 3,063 institutions -- 897 high schools, 57 colleges, 706 madrasas, 831 vocational Institutions and 572 business management institutions -- are badly needed in the remote areas in Dhaka, Chittagong and Sylhet.
But the Ministry of Education and the Directorate of Secondary and Higher Education (DSHE), popularly known as Shikkha Bhaban, approved excess 5,125 institutions including 3,035 non-government high schools, 671 colleges and 1,419 madrasas elsewhere and entitled those to MPO under political pressure.
The Banbeis study on "Location of Educational Institutions as per Electoral Constituency" shows that most of these institutions are situated in Rajshahi, Khulna and Barisal divisions.
DSHE Director General Prof KM Aurangazeb said an expert committee of renowned educationists should be formed to identify the areas requiring new educational institutions.
"Shikkha Bhaban spends Tk 3,043 crore annually on MPO. Yes, some additional institutions were entitled to MPO violating the rules. But Shikkha Bhaban brought those institutions under MPO as per the direction of the education ministry," Prof Aurangazeb told The Daily Star.
At least nine teachers and two employees are working at each MPO-enlisted institution and the government has to spend Tk 90,000 to Tk 1.3 lakh every month for each of these institutions, sources at DSHE say.
Dinajpur tops the list of districts having additional non-government educational institutions with highest 427. Jessore has second highest 372 and Rajshahi has 344 institutions.
On the other hand, 211 non-government institutions including 102 schools are required in Habiganj, but no initiatives have been taken to set up any, Banbeis sources say.
Besides, according to rules, 57 institutions including 31 schools should be entitled to MPO but only 36 got it.
Academicians say the government's target to take education to every door won't be successful without removing the discrimination in setting up schools, colleges and madrasas and allowing MPO.
"Many people are still deprived of education as there is no educational institutions near them. On the other hand, huge public fund is being wasted as many schools, colleges and madrasas were enlisted in senior politicians' areas in spite of having sufficient institutions within eight kilometres," said a top official of the ministry.
In Rajshahi division, nearly 9,000 institutions were enlisted which is about one-third of the country's MPO-enlisted institutions.
On the other hand, Dhaka, Chittagong and Sylhet divisions and some other areas need 897 schools, 57 colleges and 706 madrasas where students are being deprived of education.
Bangladeshi workers held in Kuwait
Bangladeshi workers held in Kuwait
Staff Correspondent
Daily Star
July 29, 2008
Kuwaiti Police yesterday arrested some Bangladeshi workers after they went on a rampage while protesting low wages, poor working conditions and other exploitations over the last couple of days.
According to the Arab Times, about 2,000 Bangladeshi workers, employed by Al-Jawhara Company for Stevedoring and Cleaning in Hassawi in Kuwait, destroyed six vehicles and injured five camp officials on Sunday.
The protesting workers also attacked the company office in Jleeb Al-Shyoukh on Saturday evening.
Police finally brought the situation under control, clubbing the demonstrating workers, reported AFP.
Shahriar Kader Siddiky, labour counsellor of Bangladesh Embassy in Kuwait told The Daily Star yesterday, "I have received reports that special forces of Kuwaiti police have made some arrests. "
He was not able to say how many had been arrested.
Thousands of cleaning workers employed by some 15 to 20 companies and assigned jobs under various government projects in Kuwait have been protesting for the last few days. The protests turned violent Sunday with a few groups of workers turning violent.
Siddiky said, "Officials of Kuwait's labour ministry have agreed to most of the demands by the workers, including fixing the minimum wage at 40 Kuwait Dinars (KD) per month. Some workers are now demanding that the company owners give this in writing," Siddiky said.
It has been reported lately that the ministry would send inspectors to labour camps to take stock of workers' living conditions and address their grievances.
Meanwhile Foreign Adviser Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury yesterday met with the Kuwaiti envoy to Dhaka Abdullatif Ali Al-Mawash and discussed the issue of the protesting Bangladeshi workers.
Iftekhar later told the press that Bangladesh and Kuwait are friendly countries and should be able to address issues of mutual interest amicably.
The workers have been complaining against poor wages, poor working conditions, overtime without pay, lack of sick leave and vacations, etc. The workers also claim that employers force workers to pay extra for health and residency -- costs they say should be borne by the companies.
According to the Arab Times, workers reportedly damaged furniture, computers, printers and other office equipment. Jleeb Al-Shyoukh is home to thousands of Bangladeshi cleaners, who live in squalid camps and most get paid as low as KD 18 a month (1 dinar = Tk 258).
A worker told the Arab Times that anger among the workers has been simmering for a long a time now. The workers had earlier warned the five supervisors working against their interests.
The scuffle occurred when some workers confronted the supervisors as to why certain deductions were being made from their already low wages. The supervisors reportedly threatened the cleaners.
Another worker said that they had taken their problems and demands to the company but it had all fallen on deaf ears.
“We know it is wrong to take the law in our hands but our situation is worsening by the day,” he said.
Al-Jawhara company's operations manager K John said that the government is partly to be blamed for the low wage situation, Arab Times reported.
“The workers demand health insurance, which is KD 50 per person, while it is only KD 10 for domestic maids. This makes it difficult for companies to provide it," John said.
“The municipality itself pays around KD 23 per cleaner, and the government can't expect us to pay more than that. Our workers receive anywhere between KD 20 and KD 70.”
John said that work tender is another complication where small players make abysmally low quotes to win the tenders which messes up the quality of this sector, which also complicates the situation.
Other Bangladeshi workers employed in Kuwait have also been in the news recently for protesting low wages and poor working conditions.
Staff Correspondent
Daily Star
July 29, 2008
Kuwaiti Police yesterday arrested some Bangladeshi workers after they went on a rampage while protesting low wages, poor working conditions and other exploitations over the last couple of days.
According to the Arab Times, about 2,000 Bangladeshi workers, employed by Al-Jawhara Company for Stevedoring and Cleaning in Hassawi in Kuwait, destroyed six vehicles and injured five camp officials on Sunday.
The protesting workers also attacked the company office in Jleeb Al-Shyoukh on Saturday evening.
Police finally brought the situation under control, clubbing the demonstrating workers, reported AFP.
Shahriar Kader Siddiky, labour counsellor of Bangladesh Embassy in Kuwait told The Daily Star yesterday, "I have received reports that special forces of Kuwaiti police have made some arrests. "
He was not able to say how many had been arrested.
Thousands of cleaning workers employed by some 15 to 20 companies and assigned jobs under various government projects in Kuwait have been protesting for the last few days. The protests turned violent Sunday with a few groups of workers turning violent.
Siddiky said, "Officials of Kuwait's labour ministry have agreed to most of the demands by the workers, including fixing the minimum wage at 40 Kuwait Dinars (KD) per month. Some workers are now demanding that the company owners give this in writing," Siddiky said.
It has been reported lately that the ministry would send inspectors to labour camps to take stock of workers' living conditions and address their grievances.
Meanwhile Foreign Adviser Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury yesterday met with the Kuwaiti envoy to Dhaka Abdullatif Ali Al-Mawash and discussed the issue of the protesting Bangladeshi workers.
Iftekhar later told the press that Bangladesh and Kuwait are friendly countries and should be able to address issues of mutual interest amicably.
The workers have been complaining against poor wages, poor working conditions, overtime without pay, lack of sick leave and vacations, etc. The workers also claim that employers force workers to pay extra for health and residency -- costs they say should be borne by the companies.
According to the Arab Times, workers reportedly damaged furniture, computers, printers and other office equipment. Jleeb Al-Shyoukh is home to thousands of Bangladeshi cleaners, who live in squalid camps and most get paid as low as KD 18 a month (1 dinar = Tk 258).
A worker told the Arab Times that anger among the workers has been simmering for a long a time now. The workers had earlier warned the five supervisors working against their interests.
The scuffle occurred when some workers confronted the supervisors as to why certain deductions were being made from their already low wages. The supervisors reportedly threatened the cleaners.
Another worker said that they had taken their problems and demands to the company but it had all fallen on deaf ears.
“We know it is wrong to take the law in our hands but our situation is worsening by the day,” he said.
Al-Jawhara company's operations manager K John said that the government is partly to be blamed for the low wage situation, Arab Times reported.
“The workers demand health insurance, which is KD 50 per person, while it is only KD 10 for domestic maids. This makes it difficult for companies to provide it," John said.
“The municipality itself pays around KD 23 per cleaner, and the government can't expect us to pay more than that. Our workers receive anywhere between KD 20 and KD 70.”
John said that work tender is another complication where small players make abysmally low quotes to win the tenders which messes up the quality of this sector, which also complicates the situation.
Other Bangladeshi workers employed in Kuwait have also been in the news recently for protesting low wages and poor working conditions.
Sunday, July 27, 2008
High Court Rules Scrapping Aug 15 Holiday Illegal
Bangladesh rules scrapping "Mujib" holiday illegal
July 27, 2008
High Court Rules Scrapping August 15th Holiday Illegal?
DHAKA (Reuters) - The Bangladesh High Court ruled on Sunday that the cancellation of a public holiday to mark the death of the country's founding leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was illegal.
The August 15 annual holiday was scrapped six years ago by the government of former prime minister Begum Khaleda Zia, after she won a 2001 election by defeating Mujib's daughter Sheikh Hasina, another former prime minister.
Mujib was killed with most members of his family in a military coup on August 15, 1975, beginning years of rule by army generals, including Khaleda's husband Ziaur Rahman, himself killed in a 1981 mutiny.
Hasina introduced Aug. 15 as public holiday to mourn her father after she won power in a 1996 election, but her rival Khaleda scrapped it in 2002, despite protests by Hasina's Awami League.
"The High Court also asked the country's incumbent interim government to take steps to rectify the illegal decision by the previous government (regarding the Aug. 15 holiday)," a court official told reporters.
The court issued the ruling after a petition by a supporter of Mujib who, as chief of the Awami League, launched the independnce campaign for East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, in the early 1960s.
He formally gave the directive for a guerrilla war in March 1971. He was arrested by the Pakistani army but his followers led the war to achieve independence from Pakistan in December 1971, with the help of India.
July 27, 2008
High Court Rules Scrapping August 15th Holiday Illegal?
DHAKA (Reuters) - The Bangladesh High Court ruled on Sunday that the cancellation of a public holiday to mark the death of the country's founding leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was illegal.
The August 15 annual holiday was scrapped six years ago by the government of former prime minister Begum Khaleda Zia, after she won a 2001 election by defeating Mujib's daughter Sheikh Hasina, another former prime minister.
Mujib was killed with most members of his family in a military coup on August 15, 1975, beginning years of rule by army generals, including Khaleda's husband Ziaur Rahman, himself killed in a 1981 mutiny.
Hasina introduced Aug. 15 as public holiday to mourn her father after she won power in a 1996 election, but her rival Khaleda scrapped it in 2002, despite protests by Hasina's Awami League.
"The High Court also asked the country's incumbent interim government to take steps to rectify the illegal decision by the previous government (regarding the Aug. 15 holiday)," a court official told reporters.
The court issued the ruling after a petition by a supporter of Mujib who, as chief of the Awami League, launched the independnce campaign for East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, in the early 1960s.
He formally gave the directive for a guerrilla war in March 1971. He was arrested by the Pakistani army but his followers led the war to achieve independence from Pakistan in December 1971, with the help of India.
Saturday, July 26, 2008
Govt Plans Local Polls Amid Strong Opposition
Govt Plans Local Polls Amid Strong Opposition
By Farid Ahmed
Source: IPS
DHAKA, Jun 27 (IPS) - Bangladesh is lurching into crisis again as its military-backed interim government insists on holding local government polls amid the strong opposition of all major political parties.
The major parties are loath to accept the government decision and said the interim government should only go ahead with its roadmap for the stalled national elections.
The elections will be the first for the army-backed interim government, which took office in January last year and promised to hold national polls within two years.
By law, the local polls are apolitical and the candidates are not directly drawn from the political parties, but parties play a key role and act as a powerbase for candidates in the national polls.
The present interim government are out to conduct the local government polls to "install people of their choice in public offices," said the detained chief of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Khaleda Zia.
Zia, a former prime minister, urged his party to resist the local government polls scheduled to be held on Aug. 4.
The Election Commission announced the schedules for mayoral polls for four major cities and nine small towns, last week. The government also said they would complete all local government polls by October -- before the national polls expected to be held by the end of December.
The national elections were originally scheduled for January last year, but were suspended under a state of emergency following deadly street violence after the polls that brought the military-backed interim government to power.
The Awami League -- the party of detained former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed -- also opposed the move to hold local government polls before the national polls. Released for eight weeks on a government executive order, Wajed is now in the U.S. for medical treatment.
"If the government can complete the local government polls by October, it means the Election Commission is fully prepared for elections with its updated voters’ rolls, and if it’s so the government should not wait for the national elections until December," said Syed Ashraful Islam, acting general secretary of the Awami League.
Other than a few small political parties that drum up support for the military- backed government, all political parties opposed the government move and many felt the government had a "hidden agenda" with its plan to hold the local government polls before the national elections.
Syed Muhammad Ibrahim, a retired army major general, who has recently formed a political party, supported the move and said the local polls were needed before the national polls for decentralisation of power.
Meanwhile, the police in a fresh drive to maintain law and order arrested over 30,000 people in first three weeks of June and the political parties said that many of their rank-and-file were detained without any specific charges.
"The government owe an explanation as there are allegations of detaining people without any warrant of arrest," Sultana Kamal, a local rights activist, told IPS. "Any person being detained deserves the right to know the reason for detention within 24 hours".
"The country is again at a crossroad," Ataur Rahman, Professor of Political Science at Dhaka University told IPS.
Praful C. Patel, a World Bank vice president who was visiting Dhaka on Tuesday, said the present political crisis is a big challenge for Bangladesh. Patel cautioned that Bangladesh’s state of governance, investment climate and economic development would continue to be affected if the elections were not held in a manner acceptable to all concerned.
The political parties say that the incumbent has a "hidden agenda" in holding the local government polls before the national polls, but Rahman said it was not still clear whether the incumbent would like to continue in power beyond December. "If it’s so, then it’s a power struggle and the incumbent wants to create a power-base by holding the local government elections first," he said.
The BNP, which bitterly opposed the polls, urged the Election Commission not to proceed with the local elections and said, "You [Election Commissioners] will be treated as traitors and conspirators against democracy and politics".
Moeen U. Ahmed, army chief general, and Fakhruddin Ahmed, head of the interim government, have repeatedly made assurances that the incumbent would not continue beyond December. But they have not allayed the fears of the parties and the people. Military dictators have ruled Bangladesh -- born in 1971 -- for more than one and a half decades, according to analysts.
Rahman explained that as the military-backed interim government came to power one and a half years back it earned popularity as people were fed-up with political unrest and uncertainty. Over time its popularity eroded significantly and "its credibility is undermined" for many reasons, he said. "This is really a critical situation… the political parties, which were up the creek because of the anti-graft drive, now try to create pressure over the government," Rahman said, "at the same time, the incumbent will utterly fail… if it cannot impose its will over the political parties."
By Farid Ahmed
Source: IPS
DHAKA, Jun 27 (IPS) - Bangladesh is lurching into crisis again as its military-backed interim government insists on holding local government polls amid the strong opposition of all major political parties.
The major parties are loath to accept the government decision and said the interim government should only go ahead with its roadmap for the stalled national elections.
The elections will be the first for the army-backed interim government, which took office in January last year and promised to hold national polls within two years.
By law, the local polls are apolitical and the candidates are not directly drawn from the political parties, but parties play a key role and act as a powerbase for candidates in the national polls.
The present interim government are out to conduct the local government polls to "install people of their choice in public offices," said the detained chief of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Khaleda Zia.
Zia, a former prime minister, urged his party to resist the local government polls scheduled to be held on Aug. 4.
The Election Commission announced the schedules for mayoral polls for four major cities and nine small towns, last week. The government also said they would complete all local government polls by October -- before the national polls expected to be held by the end of December.
The national elections were originally scheduled for January last year, but were suspended under a state of emergency following deadly street violence after the polls that brought the military-backed interim government to power.
The Awami League -- the party of detained former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed -- also opposed the move to hold local government polls before the national polls. Released for eight weeks on a government executive order, Wajed is now in the U.S. for medical treatment.
"If the government can complete the local government polls by October, it means the Election Commission is fully prepared for elections with its updated voters’ rolls, and if it’s so the government should not wait for the national elections until December," said Syed Ashraful Islam, acting general secretary of the Awami League.
Other than a few small political parties that drum up support for the military- backed government, all political parties opposed the government move and many felt the government had a "hidden agenda" with its plan to hold the local government polls before the national elections.
Syed Muhammad Ibrahim, a retired army major general, who has recently formed a political party, supported the move and said the local polls were needed before the national polls for decentralisation of power.
Meanwhile, the police in a fresh drive to maintain law and order arrested over 30,000 people in first three weeks of June and the political parties said that many of their rank-and-file were detained without any specific charges.
"The government owe an explanation as there are allegations of detaining people without any warrant of arrest," Sultana Kamal, a local rights activist, told IPS. "Any person being detained deserves the right to know the reason for detention within 24 hours".
"The country is again at a crossroad," Ataur Rahman, Professor of Political Science at Dhaka University told IPS.
Praful C. Patel, a World Bank vice president who was visiting Dhaka on Tuesday, said the present political crisis is a big challenge for Bangladesh. Patel cautioned that Bangladesh’s state of governance, investment climate and economic development would continue to be affected if the elections were not held in a manner acceptable to all concerned.
The political parties say that the incumbent has a "hidden agenda" in holding the local government polls before the national polls, but Rahman said it was not still clear whether the incumbent would like to continue in power beyond December. "If it’s so, then it’s a power struggle and the incumbent wants to create a power-base by holding the local government elections first," he said.
The BNP, which bitterly opposed the polls, urged the Election Commission not to proceed with the local elections and said, "You [Election Commissioners] will be treated as traitors and conspirators against democracy and politics".
Moeen U. Ahmed, army chief general, and Fakhruddin Ahmed, head of the interim government, have repeatedly made assurances that the incumbent would not continue beyond December. But they have not allayed the fears of the parties and the people. Military dictators have ruled Bangladesh -- born in 1971 -- for more than one and a half decades, according to analysts.
Rahman explained that as the military-backed interim government came to power one and a half years back it earned popularity as people were fed-up with political unrest and uncertainty. Over time its popularity eroded significantly and "its credibility is undermined" for many reasons, he said. "This is really a critical situation… the political parties, which were up the creek because of the anti-graft drive, now try to create pressure over the government," Rahman said, "at the same time, the incumbent will utterly fail… if it cannot impose its will over the political parties."
Religious terrorism and Bangladesh
Religious terrorism and Bangladesh
M. Serajul Islam
Source: Daily Star
July 26, 2008
A Bangladeshi journalist working for a foreign radio station warned me recently against being complacent about Islamic fundamentalists in Bangladesh. I argued that despite its overwhelming Muslim population, Bangladesh has historically rejected political parties that have used Islam in elections. Jamaat-e-Islami, the best known among such parties, has never won even a handful of seats in elections, achieving the best of 14 seats in the 2001 elections as a result of its alliance with the BNP. I also argued that despite being predominantly Muslim, Bangladesh is the most liberal South Asian country where Islam has been influenced by Sufism with the least incidence of communal violence that are so endemic in other parts of this sub-continent.
Its liberal traditions notwithstanding, the two mainstream political parties earned for Bangladesh the label of a country that supports Islamic terrorism during the last BNP term. The BNP played the major part by allowing Jamaat-e-Islami indulgence to put a terrorist infrastructure in place as a payback for its votes that helped it win a 2/3 majority in the 2001 elections. The Jamaatul Muhahadeen Bangladesh (JMB) terrorists, who earned the maximum notoriety, was nurtured by BNP top leadership to help its leaders in northern Bangladesh win territorial control over the extreme leftist elements there and also to please Jamaat-e-Islami. The Awami League did its part by publicising abroad this evil nexus, labeling Bangladesh as Taliban that countries and interested groups abroad used to identify Bangladesh as a supporter of Islamic terrorism. The Indian media also played a role in projecting Bangladesh in a bad light, identifying it as a “locus of Islamic terrorism”.
The former US Ambassador Harry Thomas had spared no efforts to warn the Government about the growing Frankenstein. India watched developments with understandable concern and conveyed these to Secretary of State Condalizza Rice on her visit to New Delhi in March 2005. Rice told the press during the visit that Bangladesh could become the next Afghanistan and that India and USA would look after Bangladesh. The BNP Government remained unmoved and termed the concern over the Islamic fundamentalist forces as “media hype”. Encouraged, these forces carried out nearly 500 simultaneous bomb blasts all over the country in August, 2005 that proved that these terrorists had a terrorist infrastructure in place and had also infiltrated the country's intelligence although the blasts caused little damage and just two deaths. Khaleda Zia cut short an official visit to China and returned home but did little to contain these forces except issue arrest warrants against leading JMB terrorists that were not pursued seriously.
The BNP finally acted only after the US Assistant Secretary Christina Rocco visited Dhaka in January 2006 and delivered a harsh ultimatum to the Government to rein in the JMB terrorists. Within weeks, Sheikh Abdur Rahman and Bangla Bhai with 4 others were incarcerated in a make believe manner that left little doubt that they had escaped being arrested earlier due to state sponsorship. In jail, these JMB terrorists were treated as VIPs, leading to speculation that they would be released at an appropriate time. The politics of the country then slipped into anarchy, leading to 1/11 when fate intervened. The JMB terrorists were executed by the Caretaker Government after due legal process but no act of revenge followed that went to prove that AL accusations and Indian media reports that Bangladesh was infested with Al Qaeda and Islamic terrorists was exaggerated and largely untrue. During this period, United States also did not find any evidence that Bangladeshi Islamic fundamentalist parties had Al Qaeda connections. Their concern was to contain the Islamic terrorism at home that was growing due to BNP Government's sponsorship.
Islamic terrorism has become benign with the fall of the BNP Government at a time when internationally Islamic terrorist groups are weakening. Newsweek in its June 9th edition under the caption “New Face of Islam” writes that within the Islamic world, a critique of radicalism is growing. Moderate Islamic scholars who were silent before and after 9/11 are now beginning to speak out against Islamic terrorism. Clerics who had supported Bin Laden are now distancing themselves from him. Countries that have tolerated Islamic radicalism like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are now encouraging moderation. In Saudi Arabia, 10,000 Government paid imams have been asked by King Abdullah to restrain their zealous excesses. A new realisation is now afloat in the Islamic world that the “apocalyptic notion of holy war” that Laden had promoted contradicts the fundamental message of Islam, which is peace. Al Qaeda is now on the run in Iraq, its haven after US invasion of Afghanistan, where the US forces are winning. As a result of worldwide hunt, Al Qaeda is no longer in any position to encourage international terrorism as its finances and infrastructure have been considerably weakened.
These positive developments offer Bangladesh a great opportunity to re-establish its liberal traditions. The mainstream parties have the most critical role to play. The BNP must not repeat its past mistakes and must rein in Jamaat, with whom it is again very likely to form election alliance. It should also not allow Jamaat to nominate anyone for the next general elections with blood on its hands for its role in 1971, knowing how much the people detest the war criminals. The AL must fight Islamic radicalism in the country politically and refrain from giving the international media wrong impression about Bangladesh by talking of our internal politics abroad as it did during the BNP era. It must also be consistent in dealing with Islamic fundamentalist forces. It has not fully explained to the people its election alliance with Khelafat-e-Majlish, a fundamentalist Islamic party that supports the fatwa, just before the postponed 2007 elections as well as its alliance during the first BNP term with the Jamaat to force the BNP out of power. It also needs to explain why during its tenure it did not deal with the war criminals.
The role of the civil societies and sector commanders of our liberation forces is critical here. Those who committed war crimes in 1971 should be tried under law as murderers and rapists, remembering that there is no statute of limitation here.
Those in Jamaat-e-Islami who are war criminals must be brought under the law. Jamaat's opposition to Bangladesh's independence is a political issue and must be dealt politically. Unfortunately, in pursuing the war criminals, these groups have called for banning Jamaat as a political party, only indirectly labeling it as a party of war criminals. They have also used the secularism card in seeking to ban Jamaat because of its belief in Islam, claiming secularism as fundamental to our statehood. In doing so, they have overlooked that democracy gives all political parties the right to address their beliefs to the people directly who as sovereign authority accept or reject them.
They have also insensitively set aside the importance of Islam as a way of life both in literal and spiritual sense to majority of Bangladeshis. Furthermore, the belief in Islam that helps people retain mental sanity in the face of extreme poverty and unbearable natural and manmade calamities that they face regularly has also been over-looked. Islam based parties, particularly Jamaat, may thus be getting the benefit of over-kill with the secular card because a lot of people feel that those attacking the Jamaat are also targeting Islam.
Sadly, the detested war criminals may also be getting the reprieve by moves to ban Islam based parties from politics. The fact that the groups seeking to ban Jamaat are also supporters of the Awami League is also taking the wind out of the sail for trial of the war criminals with which few people differ. Just as the West has made the mistake of putting Islam in the dock, because of Al Qaeda, those seeking trial of war criminals have similarly erred by bringing Islam into the equation. This could eventually lead to sympathy for Islamic parties arising from the perception that Islam is in peril. For tackling Islamic fundamentalism, these groups must therefore ensure that they do not put Islam and secularism in conflict for there is no reason to do so. Because of Bangladesh's liberal traditions and that in case of a conflict, Islam is going to get the majority nod over secularism.
History, internal politics and recent developments in the Islamic world do not therefore place Bangladesh in imminent danger of a takeover by fundamentalist Islamic forces. These notwithstanding, the next elected Government must bear in mind that there are 9000 Government registered madrasas and 15,000 Qawami madrasas and Islamic fundamentalist parties like Jagrato Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), Shahadat-e-al-Hikma, Al-Harakat-ul-Islamia, Harkat-ul-Jehad Islami and Al-Khidmat. These institutions and parties would need strict surveillance by the intelligence agencies to keep them on track which should not be difficult if the next Government is sincere about it.
Whether Bangladesh becomes a haven for international Islamic terrorists and whether Islamic fundamentalism plagues our politics will thus depend largely on the mainstream political parties and the civil societies. The Islamic parties by themselves have the ability to cause disturbances but little possibility of doing much more. It is time that the mainstream parties and the civil societies work together in the interest of the nation and ensure our liberal Islamic heritage. There is no reason for complacency about Islamic terrorism in Bangladesh but no reason to cry wolf either.
__________________________
The author is former Bangladesh Ambassador and Director, Centre for Foreign Affairs Studies.
M. Serajul Islam
Source: Daily Star
July 26, 2008
A Bangladeshi journalist working for a foreign radio station warned me recently against being complacent about Islamic fundamentalists in Bangladesh. I argued that despite its overwhelming Muslim population, Bangladesh has historically rejected political parties that have used Islam in elections. Jamaat-e-Islami, the best known among such parties, has never won even a handful of seats in elections, achieving the best of 14 seats in the 2001 elections as a result of its alliance with the BNP. I also argued that despite being predominantly Muslim, Bangladesh is the most liberal South Asian country where Islam has been influenced by Sufism with the least incidence of communal violence that are so endemic in other parts of this sub-continent.
Its liberal traditions notwithstanding, the two mainstream political parties earned for Bangladesh the label of a country that supports Islamic terrorism during the last BNP term. The BNP played the major part by allowing Jamaat-e-Islami indulgence to put a terrorist infrastructure in place as a payback for its votes that helped it win a 2/3 majority in the 2001 elections. The Jamaatul Muhahadeen Bangladesh (JMB) terrorists, who earned the maximum notoriety, was nurtured by BNP top leadership to help its leaders in northern Bangladesh win territorial control over the extreme leftist elements there and also to please Jamaat-e-Islami. The Awami League did its part by publicising abroad this evil nexus, labeling Bangladesh as Taliban that countries and interested groups abroad used to identify Bangladesh as a supporter of Islamic terrorism. The Indian media also played a role in projecting Bangladesh in a bad light, identifying it as a “locus of Islamic terrorism”.
The former US Ambassador Harry Thomas had spared no efforts to warn the Government about the growing Frankenstein. India watched developments with understandable concern and conveyed these to Secretary of State Condalizza Rice on her visit to New Delhi in March 2005. Rice told the press during the visit that Bangladesh could become the next Afghanistan and that India and USA would look after Bangladesh. The BNP Government remained unmoved and termed the concern over the Islamic fundamentalist forces as “media hype”. Encouraged, these forces carried out nearly 500 simultaneous bomb blasts all over the country in August, 2005 that proved that these terrorists had a terrorist infrastructure in place and had also infiltrated the country's intelligence although the blasts caused little damage and just two deaths. Khaleda Zia cut short an official visit to China and returned home but did little to contain these forces except issue arrest warrants against leading JMB terrorists that were not pursued seriously.
The BNP finally acted only after the US Assistant Secretary Christina Rocco visited Dhaka in January 2006 and delivered a harsh ultimatum to the Government to rein in the JMB terrorists. Within weeks, Sheikh Abdur Rahman and Bangla Bhai with 4 others were incarcerated in a make believe manner that left little doubt that they had escaped being arrested earlier due to state sponsorship. In jail, these JMB terrorists were treated as VIPs, leading to speculation that they would be released at an appropriate time. The politics of the country then slipped into anarchy, leading to 1/11 when fate intervened. The JMB terrorists were executed by the Caretaker Government after due legal process but no act of revenge followed that went to prove that AL accusations and Indian media reports that Bangladesh was infested with Al Qaeda and Islamic terrorists was exaggerated and largely untrue. During this period, United States also did not find any evidence that Bangladeshi Islamic fundamentalist parties had Al Qaeda connections. Their concern was to contain the Islamic terrorism at home that was growing due to BNP Government's sponsorship.
Islamic terrorism has become benign with the fall of the BNP Government at a time when internationally Islamic terrorist groups are weakening. Newsweek in its June 9th edition under the caption “New Face of Islam” writes that within the Islamic world, a critique of radicalism is growing. Moderate Islamic scholars who were silent before and after 9/11 are now beginning to speak out against Islamic terrorism. Clerics who had supported Bin Laden are now distancing themselves from him. Countries that have tolerated Islamic radicalism like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are now encouraging moderation. In Saudi Arabia, 10,000 Government paid imams have been asked by King Abdullah to restrain their zealous excesses. A new realisation is now afloat in the Islamic world that the “apocalyptic notion of holy war” that Laden had promoted contradicts the fundamental message of Islam, which is peace. Al Qaeda is now on the run in Iraq, its haven after US invasion of Afghanistan, where the US forces are winning. As a result of worldwide hunt, Al Qaeda is no longer in any position to encourage international terrorism as its finances and infrastructure have been considerably weakened.
These positive developments offer Bangladesh a great opportunity to re-establish its liberal traditions. The mainstream parties have the most critical role to play. The BNP must not repeat its past mistakes and must rein in Jamaat, with whom it is again very likely to form election alliance. It should also not allow Jamaat to nominate anyone for the next general elections with blood on its hands for its role in 1971, knowing how much the people detest the war criminals. The AL must fight Islamic radicalism in the country politically and refrain from giving the international media wrong impression about Bangladesh by talking of our internal politics abroad as it did during the BNP era. It must also be consistent in dealing with Islamic fundamentalist forces. It has not fully explained to the people its election alliance with Khelafat-e-Majlish, a fundamentalist Islamic party that supports the fatwa, just before the postponed 2007 elections as well as its alliance during the first BNP term with the Jamaat to force the BNP out of power. It also needs to explain why during its tenure it did not deal with the war criminals.
The role of the civil societies and sector commanders of our liberation forces is critical here. Those who committed war crimes in 1971 should be tried under law as murderers and rapists, remembering that there is no statute of limitation here.
Those in Jamaat-e-Islami who are war criminals must be brought under the law. Jamaat's opposition to Bangladesh's independence is a political issue and must be dealt politically. Unfortunately, in pursuing the war criminals, these groups have called for banning Jamaat as a political party, only indirectly labeling it as a party of war criminals. They have also used the secularism card in seeking to ban Jamaat because of its belief in Islam, claiming secularism as fundamental to our statehood. In doing so, they have overlooked that democracy gives all political parties the right to address their beliefs to the people directly who as sovereign authority accept or reject them.
They have also insensitively set aside the importance of Islam as a way of life both in literal and spiritual sense to majority of Bangladeshis. Furthermore, the belief in Islam that helps people retain mental sanity in the face of extreme poverty and unbearable natural and manmade calamities that they face regularly has also been over-looked. Islam based parties, particularly Jamaat, may thus be getting the benefit of over-kill with the secular card because a lot of people feel that those attacking the Jamaat are also targeting Islam.
Sadly, the detested war criminals may also be getting the reprieve by moves to ban Islam based parties from politics. The fact that the groups seeking to ban Jamaat are also supporters of the Awami League is also taking the wind out of the sail for trial of the war criminals with which few people differ. Just as the West has made the mistake of putting Islam in the dock, because of Al Qaeda, those seeking trial of war criminals have similarly erred by bringing Islam into the equation. This could eventually lead to sympathy for Islamic parties arising from the perception that Islam is in peril. For tackling Islamic fundamentalism, these groups must therefore ensure that they do not put Islam and secularism in conflict for there is no reason to do so. Because of Bangladesh's liberal traditions and that in case of a conflict, Islam is going to get the majority nod over secularism.
History, internal politics and recent developments in the Islamic world do not therefore place Bangladesh in imminent danger of a takeover by fundamentalist Islamic forces. These notwithstanding, the next elected Government must bear in mind that there are 9000 Government registered madrasas and 15,000 Qawami madrasas and Islamic fundamentalist parties like Jagrato Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), Shahadat-e-al-Hikma, Al-Harakat-ul-Islamia, Harkat-ul-Jehad Islami and Al-Khidmat. These institutions and parties would need strict surveillance by the intelligence agencies to keep them on track which should not be difficult if the next Government is sincere about it.
Whether Bangladesh becomes a haven for international Islamic terrorists and whether Islamic fundamentalism plagues our politics will thus depend largely on the mainstream political parties and the civil societies. The Islamic parties by themselves have the ability to cause disturbances but little possibility of doing much more. It is time that the mainstream parties and the civil societies work together in the interest of the nation and ensure our liberal Islamic heritage. There is no reason for complacency about Islamic terrorism in Bangladesh but no reason to cry wolf either.
__________________________
The author is former Bangladesh Ambassador and Director, Centre for Foreign Affairs Studies.
Thursday, July 24, 2008
World Bank Shots on Corruption
World Bank Shots on Corruption
Source: The Wall Street Journal
July 23, 2008
The World Bank is nothing if not persistent. In recent weeks, the bank has announced low-interest loans of $320 million apiece to Bangladesh and Vietnam, despite their awful corruption records.
Since May, Bangladesh's military-backed government has arrested an estimated 12,000 people without charge and confined them to overcrowded prisons. Human Rights Watch reports "well-documented patterns of torture and mistreatment of detainees." The government has cancelled plans for a December election over the objections of the two main political parties, whose leaders have also been in and out of jail.
None of this has deterred the bank from going forward with a $200 million "transitional support credit," which it says the government needs to deal with rising commodity prices and last year's Cyclone Sidr. There is also a $120 million "power sector development policy credit" that will "support the government's overall power sector reform program." The bank justifies these loans partly on account of the "impressive economic and social gains" it claims Bangladesh has made, and partly because it thinks more money would actually help address the corruption problems.
For a reality check, the bank might have consulted its own experts. According to the bank's internal data on "governance indicators" in Bangladesh, measures of government effectiveness, political stability, "voice and accountability," regulatory quality and control of corruption all declined between 1998 and 2007. A report from Transparency International reaches similar judgments.
Under former President Paul Wolfowitz, the bank cancelled 14 road contracts in Bangladesh after evidence came to light of corrupt bidding. But with Mr. Wolfowitz gone, bank lending to the country under President Robert Zoellick has doubled in the past year alone, to $753 million.
Vietnam, too, has seen its cut of World Bank funds rise by more than $1 billion since 2004, to $4.1 billion this year. Mr. Zoellick is a particular fan of the country, having made Hanoi his first foreign port of call after coming to the bank last year. The bank's latest bequest consists of a $150 million budgetary support credit similar to the transitional credit given to Bangladesh. Another $170 million will go to something called the Northern Delta Transport Development Project.
This new cash is flowing despite a confidential 2007 report by the bank's anticorruption unit (INT) about two corrupt roads projects in Vietnam. In the $232 million Road Network Improvement Project -- which remains active today -- bank investigators found that "over one-half of the contracts reviewed were confirmed to have indicators of irregularities in contract procurement."
Bid-rigging, collusion and fraud also marked Vietnam's $110 million Second Rural Transport Project. This case is particularly striking because the precursor project, known as RTP1, had already been investigated by INT, which found the usual indicators of corruption. No matter. The bank is now moving ahead with RTP3, for an additional $106 million.
This corruption might be less objectionable if the projects had at least resulted in better roads for the poor. The INT found otherwise. "Inferior materials and little or no compaction gave the embankments little chance of surviving flood conditions," it reported about a road in Long An Province. In hilly Quang Binh province, "instances of poorly implemented drainage indicated poor supervision and testing regimes and/or possible corruption."
A bank spokesman says the latest Bangladesh loans will be "heavily focused on tackling critical and long-festering weaknesses in core governance functions," and there are the usual anticorruption bells and whistles in the Vietnam projects. That is what the bank always says. The problem is that it also always resumes lending, regardless of the track record, so the borrowing countries know there is no penalty for misusing bank money.
A year into his tenure, Mr. Zoellick has yet to suspend a single loan on account of corruption.
Source: The Wall Street Journal
July 23, 2008
The World Bank is nothing if not persistent. In recent weeks, the bank has announced low-interest loans of $320 million apiece to Bangladesh and Vietnam, despite their awful corruption records.
Since May, Bangladesh's military-backed government has arrested an estimated 12,000 people without charge and confined them to overcrowded prisons. Human Rights Watch reports "well-documented patterns of torture and mistreatment of detainees." The government has cancelled plans for a December election over the objections of the two main political parties, whose leaders have also been in and out of jail.
None of this has deterred the bank from going forward with a $200 million "transitional support credit," which it says the government needs to deal with rising commodity prices and last year's Cyclone Sidr. There is also a $120 million "power sector development policy credit" that will "support the government's overall power sector reform program." The bank justifies these loans partly on account of the "impressive economic and social gains" it claims Bangladesh has made, and partly because it thinks more money would actually help address the corruption problems.
For a reality check, the bank might have consulted its own experts. According to the bank's internal data on "governance indicators" in Bangladesh, measures of government effectiveness, political stability, "voice and accountability," regulatory quality and control of corruption all declined between 1998 and 2007. A report from Transparency International reaches similar judgments.
Under former President Paul Wolfowitz, the bank cancelled 14 road contracts in Bangladesh after evidence came to light of corrupt bidding. But with Mr. Wolfowitz gone, bank lending to the country under President Robert Zoellick has doubled in the past year alone, to $753 million.
Vietnam, too, has seen its cut of World Bank funds rise by more than $1 billion since 2004, to $4.1 billion this year. Mr. Zoellick is a particular fan of the country, having made Hanoi his first foreign port of call after coming to the bank last year. The bank's latest bequest consists of a $150 million budgetary support credit similar to the transitional credit given to Bangladesh. Another $170 million will go to something called the Northern Delta Transport Development Project.
This new cash is flowing despite a confidential 2007 report by the bank's anticorruption unit (INT) about two corrupt roads projects in Vietnam. In the $232 million Road Network Improvement Project -- which remains active today -- bank investigators found that "over one-half of the contracts reviewed were confirmed to have indicators of irregularities in contract procurement."
Bid-rigging, collusion and fraud also marked Vietnam's $110 million Second Rural Transport Project. This case is particularly striking because the precursor project, known as RTP1, had already been investigated by INT, which found the usual indicators of corruption. No matter. The bank is now moving ahead with RTP3, for an additional $106 million.
This corruption might be less objectionable if the projects had at least resulted in better roads for the poor. The INT found otherwise. "Inferior materials and little or no compaction gave the embankments little chance of surviving flood conditions," it reported about a road in Long An Province. In hilly Quang Binh province, "instances of poorly implemented drainage indicated poor supervision and testing regimes and/or possible corruption."
A bank spokesman says the latest Bangladesh loans will be "heavily focused on tackling critical and long-festering weaknesses in core governance functions," and there are the usual anticorruption bells and whistles in the Vietnam projects. That is what the bank always says. The problem is that it also always resumes lending, regardless of the track record, so the borrowing countries know there is no penalty for misusing bank money.
A year into his tenure, Mr. Zoellick has yet to suspend a single loan on account of corruption.
Wednesday, July 23, 2008
Surveillance law vote in Sweden
Surveillance law vote ‘betrayed tenets of a democratic state’
Tasneem Khalil
Source: The Local Sweden's news in English
July 22, 2008
Bangladeshi refugee and writer Tasneem Khalil explains why the Riksdag's vote in favour of the surveillance law has him feeling let down by the country to which he fled to escape state-sanctioned domestic spying.
Liberal Party FRA-law revolt widens (18 Jul 08)
Snoop law to be tried in European court (15 Jul 08)
State agency 'violated freedom of religion' (15 Jul 08)
“Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety.” -- Benjamin Franklin.
On a personal level, I find it ironic that on June 18th 2008, exactly one year after my family and I were granted political asylum in Sweden, the Riksdag passed a draconian surveillance law.
I’m sure people who have found refuge in Sweden after fleeing police states from around the globe can relate to my emotions. But I doubt that the 143 Riksdag members who voted in favour of the bill will ever be able to understand how I feel.
Swedes do not have to watch their back while walking the streets, or invent a coded language for talking to their wives over telephone, or use cryptic sentences in their emails.
Unlike them, I have suffered the pain inflicted by surveillance state at its worst.
Back in Bangladesh, my home country, I was under constant surveillance for months. I was followed by operatives, my phones were tapped, and my office computer was bugged.
The surveillance was followed by my detention and torture at the hands of the Bangladeshi military intelligence agency on May 11th, 2007.
I was arrested in my home after midnight, blindfolded, and taken to a torture chamber inside Dhaka cantonment where my captors tortured and interrogated me for 22 hours.
One of the most unnerving aspects of those interrogation sessions was have to sit on a torture-bench with my eyes covered while someone described very private details of my life to me: how many cigarettes I smoked a day, how much I suffered from bronchial asthma, places I had been to in the last few years, people with whom I’d met, etc.
If felt like I was sitting naked in a room full of strangers.
A few days after my release, my private emails started appearing in pro-military newspapers as they attempted to prove that I was plotting to overthrow the government.
I remain shocked to this day by how much private information a state agency could gather about an individual just by keeping him under surveillance.
After what I have been through, I find it pathetic to see Sweden joining the surveillance club.
This country that gave me refuge, promised me dignity and, and offered me security is now set to cross the line and spy on its own population.
One Turkish journalist, now a political refugee in Sweden, summed things up as follows:
“I feel violated, as if someone has broken a promise. What we hold so dear, sacred freedoms, are now being taken away. That is so painful to watch.”
No, we never wanted to see this country become a surveillance state.
What then is the difference between Sweden and China, may I ask?
Well, the answer may be that Sweden, unlike China, is a democracy, which brings us to another serious issue: the shameless trampling of public opinion.
It is a fact that every major Swedish newspaper condemned the bill, urging politicians to vote against it. At the same time, large numbers of activists poured out on the streets to protest.
As far as I could tell from my conversations with people, every single person opposed it the measure.
If the governments of China, Zimbabwe or North Korea ignored such level of public opposition, I would have understood.
But the Riksdag is not the politburo of an authoritarian communist party that can pass any black law and blatantly ignore opposition from the public. It’s a democratically-elected parliament that, at least in theory, is accountable to the citizens.
By voting in favour of the bill, Riksdag members have not only sold out an essential public liberty, but they have also betrayed the basic tenets of a democratic state.
If an authoritarian state-agency turns its guns, cameras, and radars at its own people, that is certainly a disaster.
But if a democratically elected parliament empowers an agency to carry out mass-surveillance, that is an even greater disaster.
_____________________________
Tasneem Khalil is an Örebro-based freelance writer and columnist.
Tasneem Khalil
Source: The Local Sweden's news in English
July 22, 2008
Bangladeshi refugee and writer Tasneem Khalil explains why the Riksdag's vote in favour of the surveillance law has him feeling let down by the country to which he fled to escape state-sanctioned domestic spying.
Liberal Party FRA-law revolt widens (18 Jul 08)
Snoop law to be tried in European court (15 Jul 08)
State agency 'violated freedom of religion' (15 Jul 08)
“Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety.” -- Benjamin Franklin.
On a personal level, I find it ironic that on June 18th 2008, exactly one year after my family and I were granted political asylum in Sweden, the Riksdag passed a draconian surveillance law.
I’m sure people who have found refuge in Sweden after fleeing police states from around the globe can relate to my emotions. But I doubt that the 143 Riksdag members who voted in favour of the bill will ever be able to understand how I feel.
Swedes do not have to watch their back while walking the streets, or invent a coded language for talking to their wives over telephone, or use cryptic sentences in their emails.
Unlike them, I have suffered the pain inflicted by surveillance state at its worst.
Back in Bangladesh, my home country, I was under constant surveillance for months. I was followed by operatives, my phones were tapped, and my office computer was bugged.
The surveillance was followed by my detention and torture at the hands of the Bangladeshi military intelligence agency on May 11th, 2007.
I was arrested in my home after midnight, blindfolded, and taken to a torture chamber inside Dhaka cantonment where my captors tortured and interrogated me for 22 hours.
One of the most unnerving aspects of those interrogation sessions was have to sit on a torture-bench with my eyes covered while someone described very private details of my life to me: how many cigarettes I smoked a day, how much I suffered from bronchial asthma, places I had been to in the last few years, people with whom I’d met, etc.
If felt like I was sitting naked in a room full of strangers.
A few days after my release, my private emails started appearing in pro-military newspapers as they attempted to prove that I was plotting to overthrow the government.
I remain shocked to this day by how much private information a state agency could gather about an individual just by keeping him under surveillance.
After what I have been through, I find it pathetic to see Sweden joining the surveillance club.
This country that gave me refuge, promised me dignity and, and offered me security is now set to cross the line and spy on its own population.
One Turkish journalist, now a political refugee in Sweden, summed things up as follows:
“I feel violated, as if someone has broken a promise. What we hold so dear, sacred freedoms, are now being taken away. That is so painful to watch.”
No, we never wanted to see this country become a surveillance state.
What then is the difference between Sweden and China, may I ask?
Well, the answer may be that Sweden, unlike China, is a democracy, which brings us to another serious issue: the shameless trampling of public opinion.
It is a fact that every major Swedish newspaper condemned the bill, urging politicians to vote against it. At the same time, large numbers of activists poured out on the streets to protest.
As far as I could tell from my conversations with people, every single person opposed it the measure.
If the governments of China, Zimbabwe or North Korea ignored such level of public opposition, I would have understood.
But the Riksdag is not the politburo of an authoritarian communist party that can pass any black law and blatantly ignore opposition from the public. It’s a democratically-elected parliament that, at least in theory, is accountable to the citizens.
By voting in favour of the bill, Riksdag members have not only sold out an essential public liberty, but they have also betrayed the basic tenets of a democratic state.
If an authoritarian state-agency turns its guns, cameras, and radars at its own people, that is certainly a disaster.
But if a democratically elected parliament empowers an agency to carry out mass-surveillance, that is an even greater disaster.
_____________________________
Tasneem Khalil is an Örebro-based freelance writer and columnist.
Tuesday, July 22, 2008
Time not ripe for lifting emergency in Bangladesh
Time not ripe for lifting emergency: CA
Source: The Bangladesh Today
July 21, 2008
Chief Adviser Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed on Monday said the time is not yet ripe for fully lifting the state of emergency, as some reasons still stand that "justify its enforcement".(The Bangladesh Today)
"We want to proceed towards complete withdrawal of the state of emergency by relaxing it in phases. Our experience will tell what needs to be done," he told reporters at the circuit house in response to queries about outcome of the national dialogue and current political issues.
His latest statement apparently rules out demands from political parties for immediate lifting of the emergency so they could politically prepare for the coming elections. The head of the caretaker government made it clear that the state of emergency was declared for special reasons-and some of the reasons still exist.
However, he said the emergency has been eased on the eve of the city corporation and municipality elections to allow electioneering. In this context, he said, "We will evaluate the experience of the people and the candidates about the local elections in this situation."
Asked about detained ex-PM and BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia's release, the Chief Adviser cited a government notification that expressed government's intention about her release for treatment at home and abroad.
"That process is still on. Everything is on track-release is possible. Release can take place by combining the legal and humanitarian aspects," he noted.
Asked about BNP participation in the political dialogue, which is all but complete, Dr Fakhruddin said, "We want participation of all parties in the dialogue and we want to go to elections along with all."
Asked if the caretaker government wants to neutralize political party activities by keeping the emergency in force, the Chief Adviser denied, saying: "We do not want to neutralize political activities and we don't have such intention as the caretaker government is not rival to any party."
He said political parties are necessary for flourishing democracy, but political parties should act taking into consideration people's aspirations.
Asked about the local polls contested by old faces with allegations of serious offenses, he said law is the yardstick to determine who is eligible or ineligible for election. He hoped political parties would field honest and competent candidates in the elections.
He observed that voters' duty is to cast their votes while duties of the caretaker government and the election commission are to ensure an atmosphere where voters can vote without any fear. "The government is determined to do its duty."
To another question, the Chief Adviser said the Election Commission has already planned to hold election to Upazila Parishads in phases before and after the general election.
About the mode of future government, balance of power and amendment to the Constitution, Dr Fakhruddin said a Constitution Commission could be formed so it can make recommendations on these subjects and keep those for the future elected government and parliament for consideration.
About national charter he had indicated in his address to the nation, the Chief Adviser said the government and political parties reached some consensus on some issues through the staggered political dialogue. He hoped a framework could be presented before the nation at the conclusion of the dialogue.
Asked if the anti-graft drive slows down in the wake of release of some top politicians facing corruption cases, the Chief Adviser said the government has not drifted away from its mission. Those who are accused were brought under the legal process, some trials were completed, some under trial and some investigations were at final stages.
"In some cases, decisions were taken considering humanitarian grounds as well as overall aspect. But we won't admit that we've been detracted from curbing corruption."
About the Truth Commission, he said the formation of the Commission is at the final stage and it would start functioning within weeks.
Source: The Bangladesh Today
July 21, 2008
Chief Adviser Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed on Monday said the time is not yet ripe for fully lifting the state of emergency, as some reasons still stand that "justify its enforcement".(The Bangladesh Today)
"We want to proceed towards complete withdrawal of the state of emergency by relaxing it in phases. Our experience will tell what needs to be done," he told reporters at the circuit house in response to queries about outcome of the national dialogue and current political issues.
His latest statement apparently rules out demands from political parties for immediate lifting of the emergency so they could politically prepare for the coming elections. The head of the caretaker government made it clear that the state of emergency was declared for special reasons-and some of the reasons still exist.
However, he said the emergency has been eased on the eve of the city corporation and municipality elections to allow electioneering. In this context, he said, "We will evaluate the experience of the people and the candidates about the local elections in this situation."
Asked about detained ex-PM and BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia's release, the Chief Adviser cited a government notification that expressed government's intention about her release for treatment at home and abroad.
"That process is still on. Everything is on track-release is possible. Release can take place by combining the legal and humanitarian aspects," he noted.
Asked about BNP participation in the political dialogue, which is all but complete, Dr Fakhruddin said, "We want participation of all parties in the dialogue and we want to go to elections along with all."
Asked if the caretaker government wants to neutralize political party activities by keeping the emergency in force, the Chief Adviser denied, saying: "We do not want to neutralize political activities and we don't have such intention as the caretaker government is not rival to any party."
He said political parties are necessary for flourishing democracy, but political parties should act taking into consideration people's aspirations.
Asked about the local polls contested by old faces with allegations of serious offenses, he said law is the yardstick to determine who is eligible or ineligible for election. He hoped political parties would field honest and competent candidates in the elections.
He observed that voters' duty is to cast their votes while duties of the caretaker government and the election commission are to ensure an atmosphere where voters can vote without any fear. "The government is determined to do its duty."
To another question, the Chief Adviser said the Election Commission has already planned to hold election to Upazila Parishads in phases before and after the general election.
About the mode of future government, balance of power and amendment to the Constitution, Dr Fakhruddin said a Constitution Commission could be formed so it can make recommendations on these subjects and keep those for the future elected government and parliament for consideration.
About national charter he had indicated in his address to the nation, the Chief Adviser said the government and political parties reached some consensus on some issues through the staggered political dialogue. He hoped a framework could be presented before the nation at the conclusion of the dialogue.
Asked if the anti-graft drive slows down in the wake of release of some top politicians facing corruption cases, the Chief Adviser said the government has not drifted away from its mission. Those who are accused were brought under the legal process, some trials were completed, some under trial and some investigations were at final stages.
"In some cases, decisions were taken considering humanitarian grounds as well as overall aspect. But we won't admit that we've been detracted from curbing corruption."
About the Truth Commission, he said the formation of the Commission is at the final stage and it would start functioning within weeks.
Bangladesh policies benefit military only
Bangladesh policies benefit military only
By Rater Zonaki
Column: Humanity or Humor?
Source: UPI Asia Online
July 08, 2008
Hong Kong, China — Two indicators are widely considered in measuring the legitimacy of a government: first, the way it assumed power and second, its effectiveness in meeting the people’s needs and expectations.
In democracies, the way leaders assume power is stipulated in the country's Constitution, and includes participation from the people. In Bangladesh, the current military-controlled government assumed power bypassing the Constitution; that is, illegitimately.
The regime has also failed to fulfill the second condition of legitimacy; in terms of meeting the people’s needs and expectations it is totally ineffective. In this state of illegitimacy the regime can no longer run the state machinery.
The failure is self-evident from the regime’s top brass on down. Most troubling are the ongoing atrocities committed by the armed forces, the police and the paramilitary forces and the protracted detention of tens of thousands of innocent persons without trial.
On top of this, the regime has failed to check the unbridled rise of prices for all consumer goods. Of course there is a global trend of rising prices, with fuel one of the mostly strongly affected commodities. Yet the Bangladesh Petroleum Corporation did not increase the price of fuel in the home market. Still, transport owners and operators have increased their fares to keep pace with the international market. People are being held hostage by the owners, traders and service providers, who can do whatever they want regardless of laws. People have no choice but to pay the increased transport fares while the government has remained a silent watcher.
The price of foodstuffs, including cereals and edible oils, are on the rise in the world market, which has been a great excuse in the local wholesale and retail markets of Bangladesh. Surprisingly, the traders have increased the price of locally produced rice to make money, and the government has simply stood by.
During the last growing season Bangladesh reportedly produced a record quantity of potatoes. However, the country does not have the capacity to preserve these for future use, and the government did not export the potatoes to other countries. Instead, the most talkative general of the Bangladesh army began campaigning across the country, asking people to eat potatoes instead of rice, prompting humorous people to call him "Mr. Potato."
The military official branded the bumper crop of potatoes a "contribution of the army.” Within a few weeks the price of potatoes started increasing in local markets. While every Bangladeshi struggled to pay more money each day than the previous day merely to put food on the table, the authorities did not forget to boost the budget for the “patriotic armed forces.”
In the midst of this suffering, the government's adviser for the Ministry of Finance and Planning remarked in a seminar that "it would be unrealistic to expect that the prices of food items, particularly that of rice, would come down. What we are considering is to check a further rise in the prices."
The statement of the country’s top economic policymaker appears ridiculous to people who are starving nearly to death. A person holding the office of the Ministry of Finance and Planning without legitimacy seems to be laughing at the people's plight.
The only accomplishments the government can claim are a huge increase in financial allocations for the armed forces at the expense of the common people, and a massive crackdown on almost 50,000 people in one month, most of whom are innocent.
The government cannot claim any single success in favor of the poor, starving people. The government’s justifications of its actions may be persuasive to the “patriotic” military, but to the innocent common people, they are merely coercive.
(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender based in Hong Kong, working at the Asian Human Rights Commission. He is a Bangladeshi national with a degree in literature from a university in Dhaka. He began his career as a journalist in 1990 and was engaged in human rights activism at the grassroots level in his country for more than a decade. He also worked as an editor for publications on human rights and socio-cultural issues and contributed to other similar publications.)
By Rater Zonaki
Column: Humanity or Humor?
Source: UPI Asia Online
July 08, 2008
Hong Kong, China — Two indicators are widely considered in measuring the legitimacy of a government: first, the way it assumed power and second, its effectiveness in meeting the people’s needs and expectations.
In democracies, the way leaders assume power is stipulated in the country's Constitution, and includes participation from the people. In Bangladesh, the current military-controlled government assumed power bypassing the Constitution; that is, illegitimately.
The regime has also failed to fulfill the second condition of legitimacy; in terms of meeting the people’s needs and expectations it is totally ineffective. In this state of illegitimacy the regime can no longer run the state machinery.
The failure is self-evident from the regime’s top brass on down. Most troubling are the ongoing atrocities committed by the armed forces, the police and the paramilitary forces and the protracted detention of tens of thousands of innocent persons without trial.
On top of this, the regime has failed to check the unbridled rise of prices for all consumer goods. Of course there is a global trend of rising prices, with fuel one of the mostly strongly affected commodities. Yet the Bangladesh Petroleum Corporation did not increase the price of fuel in the home market. Still, transport owners and operators have increased their fares to keep pace with the international market. People are being held hostage by the owners, traders and service providers, who can do whatever they want regardless of laws. People have no choice but to pay the increased transport fares while the government has remained a silent watcher.
The price of foodstuffs, including cereals and edible oils, are on the rise in the world market, which has been a great excuse in the local wholesale and retail markets of Bangladesh. Surprisingly, the traders have increased the price of locally produced rice to make money, and the government has simply stood by.
During the last growing season Bangladesh reportedly produced a record quantity of potatoes. However, the country does not have the capacity to preserve these for future use, and the government did not export the potatoes to other countries. Instead, the most talkative general of the Bangladesh army began campaigning across the country, asking people to eat potatoes instead of rice, prompting humorous people to call him "Mr. Potato."
The military official branded the bumper crop of potatoes a "contribution of the army.” Within a few weeks the price of potatoes started increasing in local markets. While every Bangladeshi struggled to pay more money each day than the previous day merely to put food on the table, the authorities did not forget to boost the budget for the “patriotic armed forces.”
In the midst of this suffering, the government's adviser for the Ministry of Finance and Planning remarked in a seminar that "it would be unrealistic to expect that the prices of food items, particularly that of rice, would come down. What we are considering is to check a further rise in the prices."
The statement of the country’s top economic policymaker appears ridiculous to people who are starving nearly to death. A person holding the office of the Ministry of Finance and Planning without legitimacy seems to be laughing at the people's plight.
The only accomplishments the government can claim are a huge increase in financial allocations for the armed forces at the expense of the common people, and a massive crackdown on almost 50,000 people in one month, most of whom are innocent.
The government cannot claim any single success in favor of the poor, starving people. The government’s justifications of its actions may be persuasive to the “patriotic” military, but to the innocent common people, they are merely coercive.
(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender based in Hong Kong, working at the Asian Human Rights Commission. He is a Bangladeshi national with a degree in literature from a university in Dhaka. He began his career as a journalist in 1990 and was engaged in human rights activism at the grassroots level in his country for more than a decade. He also worked as an editor for publications on human rights and socio-cultural issues and contributed to other similar publications.)
Monday, July 21, 2008
73 Bangladesh civilians killed by Indian border guards
Official: 73 Bangladesh civilians killed by Indian border guards this year
DHAKA, July 20 (Xinhua) -- Bangladesh Foreign Secretary Touhid Hossain Sunday said it is unacceptable that 73 Bangladesh civilians has been killed this year by Indian border guards and he has raised this with the Indian side.
"I told my counterpart (External Affairs Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon) that India is our friendly neighbor. Such huge number of the civilians' killing is unacceptable," he told reporters here on his return from the Foreign Secretary level talks held in New Delhi on July 17.
Touhid said the Indian side recognized Dhaka's concerns and they agreed to work out a mechanism at the Home Secretary level meeting to be held here in August to stop the civilians killing along the border.
Touhid said during the talk, the two sides agreed on border rivers bank protection and a joint technical committee will meet soon to prepare a common design of the bank protection embankment.
Besides, the issues concerning the trade imbalance, sharing of waters of the common rivers, exchange of enclaves, demarcation of the maritime boundary and sharing information on terrorism and bird flu were also discussed.
In terms of the killing of two Bangladesh Rifles personnel by the Indian Border Security Force in northern border last Thursday night, Touhid said it's unwarranted and the Foreign Ministry lodged a strong protest against the incident with the Indian government.
DHAKA, July 20 (Xinhua) -- Bangladesh Foreign Secretary Touhid Hossain Sunday said it is unacceptable that 73 Bangladesh civilians has been killed this year by Indian border guards and he has raised this with the Indian side.
"I told my counterpart (External Affairs Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon) that India is our friendly neighbor. Such huge number of the civilians' killing is unacceptable," he told reporters here on his return from the Foreign Secretary level talks held in New Delhi on July 17.
Touhid said the Indian side recognized Dhaka's concerns and they agreed to work out a mechanism at the Home Secretary level meeting to be held here in August to stop the civilians killing along the border.
Touhid said during the talk, the two sides agreed on border rivers bank protection and a joint technical committee will meet soon to prepare a common design of the bank protection embankment.
Besides, the issues concerning the trade imbalance, sharing of waters of the common rivers, exchange of enclaves, demarcation of the maritime boundary and sharing information on terrorism and bird flu were also discussed.
In terms of the killing of two Bangladesh Rifles personnel by the Indian Border Security Force in northern border last Thursday night, Touhid said it's unwarranted and the Foreign Ministry lodged a strong protest against the incident with the Indian government.
Sunday, July 20, 2008
The Release of Jamaat Leader Nizami
Source: New Age Editorial
July 17, 2008
THE release of Jamaat-e-Islami amir Matiur Rahman Nizami on a two-month interim bail in the GATCO case Tuesday evening has raised many eyebrows and, we must add, for justifiable reasons. The offence that Nizami has been accused of having committed is indeed bailable and thus, there is hardly any scope to misconstrue, in any way, the High Court’s decision to grant him bail. What is curious, however, is the decision of the military-controlled government and the Anti-Corruption Commission to not move the Appellate Division for a stay on the High Court’s order, as they have done in the case of Bangladesh Nationalist Party chairperson Khaleda Zia and two other accused in the case. Also, Nizami is the first among ranking politicians to be released on bail since the interim government assumed office in January 2007, although he was the last to be arrested on corruption charges. Overall, his release gives the lie to the interim government’s public posture on war crime and war criminals, and lends credence to the public perception that it has all along treated Jamaat with kid gloves, so to speak, as opposed to iron hand.
While the chief adviser and the chief of army staff have severally, and emphatically, enunciated the interim government’s commitment to bringing the perpetrators of war crimes to justice, in reality, it has thus far displayed a soft attitude towards Jamaat, which, needless to say, had been at the forefront of anti-independence activism during the country’s war of liberation in 1971. Nizami’s release could be only the latest manifestation of such an attitude, and one does not have to go very far back to find another precedent. On July 11, a freedom fighter was assaulted at the representatives’ conference of Jatiya Muktijoddha Parishad, supposedly an organisation of freedom fighters which comprises primarily pro-Jamaat elements, in the capital. As reported in the media, the elderly man came under attack for demanding, in his speech to the conference, punishment to the Jamaat men who actively cooperated with the brutal occupation forces of Pakistan during the war of independence in 1971. While there has been a wave of protests against the assault of the veteran freedom fighter and calls for exemplary punishment for the perpetrators since, the government has thus far maintained a cryptic silence over the entire issue.
Moreover, Jamaat does not believe in the sovereignty of the people in running the affairs of the state, which is a core principle of democracy, and the interim government’s perceived dalliance with such an unabashedly anti-democratic organisation not only renders its self-professed commitment to improving on democratic governance hollow but also presents the people with a glimpse of its inherently anti-democratic attitude. In the final analysis, here is a government whose constitutional legitimacy in non-existent and democratic credentials are questionable. In such circumstances, the people should have hardly any reason to believe, let alone expect, that the incumbents are either willing or able to positively contribute to the growth and spread of democracy in Bangladesh.
July 17, 2008
THE release of Jamaat-e-Islami amir Matiur Rahman Nizami on a two-month interim bail in the GATCO case Tuesday evening has raised many eyebrows and, we must add, for justifiable reasons. The offence that Nizami has been accused of having committed is indeed bailable and thus, there is hardly any scope to misconstrue, in any way, the High Court’s decision to grant him bail. What is curious, however, is the decision of the military-controlled government and the Anti-Corruption Commission to not move the Appellate Division for a stay on the High Court’s order, as they have done in the case of Bangladesh Nationalist Party chairperson Khaleda Zia and two other accused in the case. Also, Nizami is the first among ranking politicians to be released on bail since the interim government assumed office in January 2007, although he was the last to be arrested on corruption charges. Overall, his release gives the lie to the interim government’s public posture on war crime and war criminals, and lends credence to the public perception that it has all along treated Jamaat with kid gloves, so to speak, as opposed to iron hand.
While the chief adviser and the chief of army staff have severally, and emphatically, enunciated the interim government’s commitment to bringing the perpetrators of war crimes to justice, in reality, it has thus far displayed a soft attitude towards Jamaat, which, needless to say, had been at the forefront of anti-independence activism during the country’s war of liberation in 1971. Nizami’s release could be only the latest manifestation of such an attitude, and one does not have to go very far back to find another precedent. On July 11, a freedom fighter was assaulted at the representatives’ conference of Jatiya Muktijoddha Parishad, supposedly an organisation of freedom fighters which comprises primarily pro-Jamaat elements, in the capital. As reported in the media, the elderly man came under attack for demanding, in his speech to the conference, punishment to the Jamaat men who actively cooperated with the brutal occupation forces of Pakistan during the war of independence in 1971. While there has been a wave of protests against the assault of the veteran freedom fighter and calls for exemplary punishment for the perpetrators since, the government has thus far maintained a cryptic silence over the entire issue.
Moreover, Jamaat does not believe in the sovereignty of the people in running the affairs of the state, which is a core principle of democracy, and the interim government’s perceived dalliance with such an unabashedly anti-democratic organisation not only renders its self-professed commitment to improving on democratic governance hollow but also presents the people with a glimpse of its inherently anti-democratic attitude. In the final analysis, here is a government whose constitutional legitimacy in non-existent and democratic credentials are questionable. In such circumstances, the people should have hardly any reason to believe, let alone expect, that the incumbents are either willing or able to positively contribute to the growth and spread of democracy in Bangladesh.
Shadowy conference at Wilton Park
Shadowy conference at Wilton Park
Hasanuzzaman Khan
Source: The New Nation
July 6, 2008
The Government is yet to issue any statement on the policy conference on Bangladesh held at Wilton Park in southern England on June 23 and 24. The two-day conference brought together a diverse group of representatives from the Bangladesh Government, political parties, and civil society organisations to discuss the future of democracy in Bangladesh.
A similar conference was held at Harvard in the US a couple of weeks ago. Political observers are dismayed that certain quarters are trying to determine our future in the lecture halls of Wilton Park or Harvard or in the lobby of the House of Commons.
Out of fifty conferences scheduled to be held at Wilton Park, the conference on Bangladesh is the only one that deals exclusively with the internal affairs of the country. It is aimed at giving a global implication of the issue of disrupted democracy in Bangladesh. Political observers wonder whether the issue of temporary disruption of democracy in Bangladesh has become a global issue.
The name Wilton Park is not familiar in Bangladesh. It has featured in media reports here for having organised the conference titled 'prospect of democracy in Bangladesh, ways and means to strengthen it on June 23 and 24.'
Wilton Park was set up in 1946 as a part of an initiative inspired by then British PM Sir Winston Churchill to help establish democracy in Germany after the Second World War. It is an academically independent agency of the UK's Foreign Ministry, which brings together decision makers and opinion framers from around the world. The Wilton Park Conference was designed to facilitate discussion among leading Bangladeshi players on how democracy can be strengthened.
Eight representatives from five political parties - Awami League, BNP, Jatiya Party, Jamaat-e-Islami and Bikalpa Dhara joined the Wilton Park conference besides dignitaries from international organisations. Among the politicians Dipu Moni and Saber Hossain Chowdhury of Awami League, Mofazzal Karim of BNP reformist faction, Barrister Abdur Razzak of Jamaat-e-Islami and Mahi B Chowdhury of Bikalpa Dhara participated in the conference. The Bangladeshi politicians confided to this correspondent that transition to democracy was the theme of this conference. It was also aimed at building a political consensus among the Bangladesh politicians with a view to restoring democracy in the country.
Besides, former diplomat Faruque Chowdhury, economist Rehman Sobhan, political Scientist Dr. Raunaq Jahan, Dr. Iftekaruzzaam of TIB, economist Dr. Atiur Rahman, political scientist Dr. Dilara Chowdhury of Jahangir Nagar University and Journalist Mahbubul Alam were among the participants. Widower Rehman Sobhan (about 80) and virgin Dr. Raunaq Jahan (65) attended reportedly as newly married couple.
Political developments in Bangladesh have evoked keen interest among development partners. Donors often remind that future relationship with them will be dictated by how things shape up politically in Bangladesh.
Major themes of discussion at the conference were: democratic reform and anti corruption drive, political reform, democracy and good governance and development. Included also were topics on the past performance of the parliament and the post election scenario. About 906 conferences have so far been held in Wilton Park exclusively on Bangladesh. The latest conference was the 39th in last six months.
Wilton Park conferences are exclusive deals. The delegates are to stay in the Wilton Park Hall and remain out of reach of anybody from outside. The delegates are advised not to disclose anything to the media about the topic of the discussion or the contents thereof. Dr Dipu Moni of Awami League said, something sensitive relating to Bangladesh was discussed in the conference, which were tabooed not to be disclosed to media. Even all telephone connections were kept inoperative during the conference.
Hasanuzzaman Khan
Source: The New Nation
July 6, 2008
The Government is yet to issue any statement on the policy conference on Bangladesh held at Wilton Park in southern England on June 23 and 24. The two-day conference brought together a diverse group of representatives from the Bangladesh Government, political parties, and civil society organisations to discuss the future of democracy in Bangladesh.
A similar conference was held at Harvard in the US a couple of weeks ago. Political observers are dismayed that certain quarters are trying to determine our future in the lecture halls of Wilton Park or Harvard or in the lobby of the House of Commons.
Out of fifty conferences scheduled to be held at Wilton Park, the conference on Bangladesh is the only one that deals exclusively with the internal affairs of the country. It is aimed at giving a global implication of the issue of disrupted democracy in Bangladesh. Political observers wonder whether the issue of temporary disruption of democracy in Bangladesh has become a global issue.
The name Wilton Park is not familiar in Bangladesh. It has featured in media reports here for having organised the conference titled 'prospect of democracy in Bangladesh, ways and means to strengthen it on June 23 and 24.'
Wilton Park was set up in 1946 as a part of an initiative inspired by then British PM Sir Winston Churchill to help establish democracy in Germany after the Second World War. It is an academically independent agency of the UK's Foreign Ministry, which brings together decision makers and opinion framers from around the world. The Wilton Park Conference was designed to facilitate discussion among leading Bangladeshi players on how democracy can be strengthened.
Eight representatives from five political parties - Awami League, BNP, Jatiya Party, Jamaat-e-Islami and Bikalpa Dhara joined the Wilton Park conference besides dignitaries from international organisations. Among the politicians Dipu Moni and Saber Hossain Chowdhury of Awami League, Mofazzal Karim of BNP reformist faction, Barrister Abdur Razzak of Jamaat-e-Islami and Mahi B Chowdhury of Bikalpa Dhara participated in the conference. The Bangladeshi politicians confided to this correspondent that transition to democracy was the theme of this conference. It was also aimed at building a political consensus among the Bangladesh politicians with a view to restoring democracy in the country.
Besides, former diplomat Faruque Chowdhury, economist Rehman Sobhan, political Scientist Dr. Raunaq Jahan, Dr. Iftekaruzzaam of TIB, economist Dr. Atiur Rahman, political scientist Dr. Dilara Chowdhury of Jahangir Nagar University and Journalist Mahbubul Alam were among the participants. Widower Rehman Sobhan (about 80) and virgin Dr. Raunaq Jahan (65) attended reportedly as newly married couple.
Political developments in Bangladesh have evoked keen interest among development partners. Donors often remind that future relationship with them will be dictated by how things shape up politically in Bangladesh.
Major themes of discussion at the conference were: democratic reform and anti corruption drive, political reform, democracy and good governance and development. Included also were topics on the past performance of the parliament and the post election scenario. About 906 conferences have so far been held in Wilton Park exclusively on Bangladesh. The latest conference was the 39th in last six months.
Wilton Park conferences are exclusive deals. The delegates are to stay in the Wilton Park Hall and remain out of reach of anybody from outside. The delegates are advised not to disclose anything to the media about the topic of the discussion or the contents thereof. Dr Dipu Moni of Awami League said, something sensitive relating to Bangladesh was discussed in the conference, which were tabooed not to be disclosed to media. Even all telephone connections were kept inoperative during the conference.
Restore democracy in Bangladesh
Restore democracy and rule of law in Bangladesh, say MEPs
July 10, 2008
Source: European Parliament
(In three resolutions adopted at the end of the Strasbourg session, Parliament calls for an inquiry into allegations of mass graves in Kashmir, for the speedy restoration of democracy in Bangladesh and for a fresh trial for Troy Davis, an American who sits on death row despite strong evidence that he may be innocent).
The state of emergency should be lifted, mass arrests of the government's political opponents and journalists should cease, the military should withdraw from politics and elections should be held as soon as possible, says the EP's resolution on Bangladesh.
The resolution states that, on 11 January 2007 amid violence in the run-up to the election, the caretaker government of Bangladesh imposed a state of emergency, with the suspension of many civil rights. On 11 June 2008 a new Counterterrorism Ordinance was adopted, "violating fundamental freedoms and basic fair trial rights".
The number of people reportedly arrested since the introduction of the state of emergency has risen to well over 300,000. Although most have since been released, a large number are alleged to have been tortured. Since 28 May 2008 more than 12,000 more people have been arrested.
Progress on elections recognised
On a positive note, the resolution acknowledges the caretaker government's progress in preparing for parliamentary elections. It also "applauds the Bangladesh Government for banning former war criminals from standing in elections and calls on it to follow up this positive step by forming an independent committee of inquiry to initiate the trial of war criminals". The release of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on humanitarian grounds is welcomed.
MEPs urge swift restoration of rule of law
However, MEPs believe swifter progress is needed. They call on the government to lift the state of emergency in order to prepare for the holding of the elections and so that local council elections can take place in August 2008. The resolution also calls for the armed forces to withdraw from involvement in the political process.
Ethnic minority voting rights and press freedom stressed
MEPs urge the government to ensure that Bangladesh’s ethnic and religious minorities are in a position to cast their votes freely. And the resolution "calls for freedom of the press in the pre-electoral period".
The government is urged to ensure that its new Anti-Terrorism Ordinance meets internationally recognised legal standards on combating terrorism. In addition, MEPs call for abolition of the death penalty and an end to the recent wave of mass arrests and the harassment of political opponents and journalists.
Democracy and climate change
MEPs point out that a further reason for holding elections is that "an elected government would make it easier to deal with the effects of climate change", which poses a particular threat to Bangladesh and will require large-scale mobilisation of all sections of society.
EU action
Lastly, Parliament wants the European Commission and Council to impress on the Bangladesh Government the need for a speedy and complete lifting of the state of emergency. And to ensure free and fair elections in accordance with international standards, the EU Election Observation Mission should resume work as soon as possible.
July 10, 2008
Source: European Parliament
(In three resolutions adopted at the end of the Strasbourg session, Parliament calls for an inquiry into allegations of mass graves in Kashmir, for the speedy restoration of democracy in Bangladesh and for a fresh trial for Troy Davis, an American who sits on death row despite strong evidence that he may be innocent).
The state of emergency should be lifted, mass arrests of the government's political opponents and journalists should cease, the military should withdraw from politics and elections should be held as soon as possible, says the EP's resolution on Bangladesh.
The resolution states that, on 11 January 2007 amid violence in the run-up to the election, the caretaker government of Bangladesh imposed a state of emergency, with the suspension of many civil rights. On 11 June 2008 a new Counterterrorism Ordinance was adopted, "violating fundamental freedoms and basic fair trial rights".
The number of people reportedly arrested since the introduction of the state of emergency has risen to well over 300,000. Although most have since been released, a large number are alleged to have been tortured. Since 28 May 2008 more than 12,000 more people have been arrested.
Progress on elections recognised
On a positive note, the resolution acknowledges the caretaker government's progress in preparing for parliamentary elections. It also "applauds the Bangladesh Government for banning former war criminals from standing in elections and calls on it to follow up this positive step by forming an independent committee of inquiry to initiate the trial of war criminals". The release of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on humanitarian grounds is welcomed.
MEPs urge swift restoration of rule of law
However, MEPs believe swifter progress is needed. They call on the government to lift the state of emergency in order to prepare for the holding of the elections and so that local council elections can take place in August 2008. The resolution also calls for the armed forces to withdraw from involvement in the political process.
Ethnic minority voting rights and press freedom stressed
MEPs urge the government to ensure that Bangladesh’s ethnic and religious minorities are in a position to cast their votes freely. And the resolution "calls for freedom of the press in the pre-electoral period".
The government is urged to ensure that its new Anti-Terrorism Ordinance meets internationally recognised legal standards on combating terrorism. In addition, MEPs call for abolition of the death penalty and an end to the recent wave of mass arrests and the harassment of political opponents and journalists.
Democracy and climate change
MEPs point out that a further reason for holding elections is that "an elected government would make it easier to deal with the effects of climate change", which poses a particular threat to Bangladesh and will require large-scale mobilisation of all sections of society.
EU action
Lastly, Parliament wants the European Commission and Council to impress on the Bangladesh Government the need for a speedy and complete lifting of the state of emergency. And to ensure free and fair elections in accordance with international standards, the EU Election Observation Mission should resume work as soon as possible.
All set to free Bangladesh
All set to free Bangladesh
By PAUL GABRIEL
Source: The Star Online
July 20, 2008
Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed, Chief Adviser to the Interim Caretaker Government of Bangladesh, has an enormous task ahead as his administration strives to ensure a free and fair general election this December.
Dr Fakhruddin has strived to put things in order by leading an anti-graft campaign in a country widely perceived as being among the world’s most corrupt. His caretaker administration has the responsibility of preparing one of the world’s largest Muslim democracies for a watershed general election, which it vows will take place this December.
In an exclusive interview with Sunday Star during a recent visit to Kuala Lumpur, Dr Fakhruddin, a noted Bangladeshi economist who once headed the Central Bank, spoke about his unique position and the challenges leading up to the scheduled December polls.
Politics has remained virtually frozen in Bangladesh since you assumed your caretaker role in Jan 2007. Many say the situation on the ground is still as volatile as ever. What is the actual state of affairs in Bangladesh?
I don’t think that politics is frozen in Bangladesh. If you read the newspapers, you will find that political leaders from different parties are making statements, organising meetings. Yes, there are certain laws and rules that really restricted some activities, but the Government has relaxed many of these rules. In fact, there have been large conferences organised by political parties in Dhaka, where they brought in people from outside the capital. In some areas, the Election Commission has announced the municipal council election schedule. So, the political scene is vibrant.
There are 150 million people in your country who expect a fresh start for Bangladesh in December when the general election is planned. But are conditions for free and fair elections, as you have promised, in place? Are you anywhere near that point at all?
Well, we are working towards that, both the Government and the Election Commission. Conditions for free, fair and credible elections can be held. There are a couple of things here - one is a voter list with photographs. That was the demand of many political parties, the people in general and members of civil society. For the past year or so, the Election Commission has been engaged in that task and they are about to complete it. It is a voter list that will include 80 million plus voters.
The Election Commission, in consultation with political parties, members of civil society, and other professional bodies, has also drafted the electoral law, rules, (and) even a code of conduct that will guide the electoral process. Basically, the conditions are being created for free, fair and credible elections.
So you are able to guarantee that the elections will take place as scheduled?
Yes. I do believe and can assure you, as I have assured my people that come December, elections will be held as earlier announced.
Is it a totally fresh voter’s list with 80 million photographs?
Absolutely. It is a totally fresh list where people came forward to be registered. What the Election Commission did was to prepare a voter's list that will have photographs of the voters against their names. In addition to the voter’s list, the people who came forward are also being issued with ID cards. This has also created a lot of enthusiasm among the people, that they are getting an ID card. As you will appreciate, this has been quite a tremendous task, and this was done using the most modern technology where the people were registered and their photographs taken at the same time.
What other electoral reforms have your caretaker administration introduced?
I have mentioned the institutional reforms ? the Election Commission, an independent judiciary. These are necessary if you are going to have a good, free and fair election. And secondly, some of the basic electoral laws, rules and regulations are being amended. But those are being led primarily by the Election Commission, which has decided that they require each political party to be registered and then work under certain parameters. That will bring in, shall we say, greater transparency to the activities of the political parties. This is also part of our democratisation. The Government is giving the Election Commission help. This is something that was demanded by the people even before the caretaker government came to power.
What do you say to critics who doubt that under existing circumstances in Bangladesh, democracy could never take root? Even many Bangladeshis are doubtful about the future of democracy in their country.
Democracy is an institution and form of government that we have chosen. There is no better alternative to democracy. Democracy is also a process. Elections are a necessary condition for democracy, but it is not a sufficient condition. Also, there needs to be, shall we say, a strong institutional base to sustain the democracy. And some of those bases are an independent Election Commission, judiciary, Anti-Corruption Commission and an independent Public Service Commission that recruits people on merit.
There are other institutional set-ups and arrangements, like we are now finalising a Right to Information Act, which would allow our citizens to demand information from the Government, various departments and ministries, down to the lower levels. These are strong institutions that will really provide the firm foundation for democracy. So there is no reason and there is nothing for me to doubt that democracy cannot be established. It has to be and it will be.
Going back to the elections, how many parties will be contesting? Is the boycott still in force by the main Opposition parties? Will this be a setback to your efforts?
Let me first say that the caretaker government is a neutral government. We believe that political parties are necessary to practise democracy. That is why the Election Commission is taking action so that the political parties can really develop in an environment that's more transparent than before.
How many political parties are going to participate? It will be our utmost effort that all the political parties, which the Election Commission has registered and say can participate, will participate. That is under the purview of the Election Commission. But as far as the government is concerned, we will try our best to get every political party to come forward and participate. We want a level playing field for all political parties and want to see fair and credible elections.
So you do not foresee a situation of too few political parties taking part?
I personally do not foresee that because I think all the parties are interested in a free, fair and credible election. And if we can demonstrate that conditions have been created for free, fair and credible elections, I will argue that all the political parties will participate.
Will the two main political rivals, former Prime Ministers Khaleda Zia, who is from the Bangladesh National Party which is the immediate past ruling party, and Sheikh Hasina who heads the Awami League, be contesting?
Ultimately they will have to decide whether they want to contest or not. And it's for the Election Commission to decide according to the laws of the land whether they can contest. If you look at what’s happening with the local council and municipal elections, they are going through that process. The Election Commission has invited nominations and are scrutinising nomination papers as we speak, whether the parties that have submitted nomination papers are fit to seek election under laws and rules of the commission. So that’s a clear, transparent process.
There are those who describe you as the civilian face of the military in Bangladesh. There are questions as to whether you are speaking up for the military or for the people. Are you actually standing up for what the people of Bangladesh want?
I would very much like to state that - yes. We are not a government by the people, but definitely a government for the people. Some of the reforms we have undertaken have been in the interest of sustainable democracy. This is in line with the wishes of the political parties and the people.
In our economic policies too, we have kept poverty alleviation and economic prudence absolutely on top of the agenda of reforms. I very much want to repeat that definitely we are a government of the people.
What about allegations that your caretaker administration has beaten up and thrown protesters into jail, moved against teachers and students who are unhappy with the situation, and stifled the independence of the press?
I don’t think we have moved against any specific groups or protesters. Whenever certain people were apprehended, it has been done under certain laws of the land. It is not because we didn’t allow or do not like to allow any protest.
If you look at what’s happening in the press right from day one, we have been saying that the press and media are free. If you look at the Bangladesh media today, I think I can very well argue and claim that it is as free as anytime in the past. If you look at the television and print media, you will find that they are criticising the government on various counts. They are able to express their free opinions.
So, basically we have not done anything to stop protests or take action against any particular group. But, obviously, if somebody takes law and order into their own hands, then the law of the land should be applied.
What is it like being a caretaker Head of Government?
I never think whether we are a caretaker government or not. I just keep on moving, keeping the goals in view and the goal that elections will be held and that this government will hand over power according to the schedule already announced.
By PAUL GABRIEL
Source: The Star Online
July 20, 2008
Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed, Chief Adviser to the Interim Caretaker Government of Bangladesh, has an enormous task ahead as his administration strives to ensure a free and fair general election this December.
Dr Fakhruddin has strived to put things in order by leading an anti-graft campaign in a country widely perceived as being among the world’s most corrupt. His caretaker administration has the responsibility of preparing one of the world’s largest Muslim democracies for a watershed general election, which it vows will take place this December.
In an exclusive interview with Sunday Star during a recent visit to Kuala Lumpur, Dr Fakhruddin, a noted Bangladeshi economist who once headed the Central Bank, spoke about his unique position and the challenges leading up to the scheduled December polls.
Politics has remained virtually frozen in Bangladesh since you assumed your caretaker role in Jan 2007. Many say the situation on the ground is still as volatile as ever. What is the actual state of affairs in Bangladesh?
I don’t think that politics is frozen in Bangladesh. If you read the newspapers, you will find that political leaders from different parties are making statements, organising meetings. Yes, there are certain laws and rules that really restricted some activities, but the Government has relaxed many of these rules. In fact, there have been large conferences organised by political parties in Dhaka, where they brought in people from outside the capital. In some areas, the Election Commission has announced the municipal council election schedule. So, the political scene is vibrant.
There are 150 million people in your country who expect a fresh start for Bangladesh in December when the general election is planned. But are conditions for free and fair elections, as you have promised, in place? Are you anywhere near that point at all?
Well, we are working towards that, both the Government and the Election Commission. Conditions for free, fair and credible elections can be held. There are a couple of things here - one is a voter list with photographs. That was the demand of many political parties, the people in general and members of civil society. For the past year or so, the Election Commission has been engaged in that task and they are about to complete it. It is a voter list that will include 80 million plus voters.
The Election Commission, in consultation with political parties, members of civil society, and other professional bodies, has also drafted the electoral law, rules, (and) even a code of conduct that will guide the electoral process. Basically, the conditions are being created for free, fair and credible elections.
So you are able to guarantee that the elections will take place as scheduled?
Yes. I do believe and can assure you, as I have assured my people that come December, elections will be held as earlier announced.
Is it a totally fresh voter’s list with 80 million photographs?
Absolutely. It is a totally fresh list where people came forward to be registered. What the Election Commission did was to prepare a voter's list that will have photographs of the voters against their names. In addition to the voter’s list, the people who came forward are also being issued with ID cards. This has also created a lot of enthusiasm among the people, that they are getting an ID card. As you will appreciate, this has been quite a tremendous task, and this was done using the most modern technology where the people were registered and their photographs taken at the same time.
What other electoral reforms have your caretaker administration introduced?
I have mentioned the institutional reforms ? the Election Commission, an independent judiciary. These are necessary if you are going to have a good, free and fair election. And secondly, some of the basic electoral laws, rules and regulations are being amended. But those are being led primarily by the Election Commission, which has decided that they require each political party to be registered and then work under certain parameters. That will bring in, shall we say, greater transparency to the activities of the political parties. This is also part of our democratisation. The Government is giving the Election Commission help. This is something that was demanded by the people even before the caretaker government came to power.
What do you say to critics who doubt that under existing circumstances in Bangladesh, democracy could never take root? Even many Bangladeshis are doubtful about the future of democracy in their country.
Democracy is an institution and form of government that we have chosen. There is no better alternative to democracy. Democracy is also a process. Elections are a necessary condition for democracy, but it is not a sufficient condition. Also, there needs to be, shall we say, a strong institutional base to sustain the democracy. And some of those bases are an independent Election Commission, judiciary, Anti-Corruption Commission and an independent Public Service Commission that recruits people on merit.
There are other institutional set-ups and arrangements, like we are now finalising a Right to Information Act, which would allow our citizens to demand information from the Government, various departments and ministries, down to the lower levels. These are strong institutions that will really provide the firm foundation for democracy. So there is no reason and there is nothing for me to doubt that democracy cannot be established. It has to be and it will be.
Going back to the elections, how many parties will be contesting? Is the boycott still in force by the main Opposition parties? Will this be a setback to your efforts?
Let me first say that the caretaker government is a neutral government. We believe that political parties are necessary to practise democracy. That is why the Election Commission is taking action so that the political parties can really develop in an environment that's more transparent than before.
How many political parties are going to participate? It will be our utmost effort that all the political parties, which the Election Commission has registered and say can participate, will participate. That is under the purview of the Election Commission. But as far as the government is concerned, we will try our best to get every political party to come forward and participate. We want a level playing field for all political parties and want to see fair and credible elections.
So you do not foresee a situation of too few political parties taking part?
I personally do not foresee that because I think all the parties are interested in a free, fair and credible election. And if we can demonstrate that conditions have been created for free, fair and credible elections, I will argue that all the political parties will participate.
Will the two main political rivals, former Prime Ministers Khaleda Zia, who is from the Bangladesh National Party which is the immediate past ruling party, and Sheikh Hasina who heads the Awami League, be contesting?
Ultimately they will have to decide whether they want to contest or not. And it's for the Election Commission to decide according to the laws of the land whether they can contest. If you look at what’s happening with the local council and municipal elections, they are going through that process. The Election Commission has invited nominations and are scrutinising nomination papers as we speak, whether the parties that have submitted nomination papers are fit to seek election under laws and rules of the commission. So that’s a clear, transparent process.
There are those who describe you as the civilian face of the military in Bangladesh. There are questions as to whether you are speaking up for the military or for the people. Are you actually standing up for what the people of Bangladesh want?
I would very much like to state that - yes. We are not a government by the people, but definitely a government for the people. Some of the reforms we have undertaken have been in the interest of sustainable democracy. This is in line with the wishes of the political parties and the people.
In our economic policies too, we have kept poverty alleviation and economic prudence absolutely on top of the agenda of reforms. I very much want to repeat that definitely we are a government of the people.
What about allegations that your caretaker administration has beaten up and thrown protesters into jail, moved against teachers and students who are unhappy with the situation, and stifled the independence of the press?
I don’t think we have moved against any specific groups or protesters. Whenever certain people were apprehended, it has been done under certain laws of the land. It is not because we didn’t allow or do not like to allow any protest.
If you look at what’s happening in the press right from day one, we have been saying that the press and media are free. If you look at the Bangladesh media today, I think I can very well argue and claim that it is as free as anytime in the past. If you look at the television and print media, you will find that they are criticising the government on various counts. They are able to express their free opinions.
So, basically we have not done anything to stop protests or take action against any particular group. But, obviously, if somebody takes law and order into their own hands, then the law of the land should be applied.
What is it like being a caretaker Head of Government?
I never think whether we are a caretaker government or not. I just keep on moving, keeping the goals in view and the goal that elections will be held and that this government will hand over power according to the schedule already announced.
Saturday, July 19, 2008
How to Engineer Elections: A Quick Guide
How to Engineer Elections: A Quick Guide
By Sikder Haseeb Khan
Source: The Progressive Bangladesh
July 1, 2008
Imagine that you’re sitting on the throne of Bangladesh’s politics. You are ruling with emergency powers, but dissent is swelling. You are in the midst of an economic crisis. You are threatened by powerful shadowy figures in your own security and intelligence apparatus. Your previous international patrons now uncomfortable. You need an exit, preferably an honorable one.
So you want to hold elections. But a fully free and fair election will almost certainly result in an outcome that you have reason to distrust, for it may return to power many popular politicians that your administration has persecuted severely. So what do you do in this tense situation?
The answer: engineer the elections—but do so carefully, without raising too many alarm bells. Ensure that voting goes smoothly on election day, without hijacking of ballot boxes, prevention of voters from casting ballots, or any such crude tactics that would be obvious to an observer. In other words, engineer it, not rig it. Here’s how...
Bar dissenters
The first step that the regime has taken: prevent feisty politicians from running in the election. Convicting politicians in quick trials—whatever the charges—will come in handy: declare them ineligible for holding public office. Then government would then intensify an “anti-corruption drive” prior to the candidate registration date in order to bar the local political activists that it doesn’t like.
Field proponents
At the same time, the regime has to leave enough of Awami League and BNP outside the legal net so that the parties themselves can participate in the election. It will continue hand-picking “reformist” politicians or possible turncoats, and intimidate or otherwise persuade them to compete. It will support selective campaigns from both security and funding standpoints. As a recent report by the International Crisis Group noted, “the army is preparing a countrywide list of its own ‘clean’ candidates to contest the 2008 polls.”
Whether or not these candidates will represent a King's Party or an existing political platform doesn't matter. What matters is that mostly pro-regime candidates will be allowed to compete.
Shape the grassroots
Then the regime has to ensure that the party rank and file do not rebel. It has already arrested thousands of activists all over the country to prevent dissent, and intimidated thousands others to conform. The government is also trying to bar parties from having students’, teachers’, and workers’ organizations, which usually house most of the activists. In this altered playing field, the government wants to hold local elections first, under either a state of emergency or very limited openings, to ensure that its supporters are able to infiltrate the grassroots level prior to a national election.
Since parliamentary candidates have to rely on grassroots leaders to carry their campaigns, shaping the grassroots will help ensure that parliamentary candidates are forced toe a pro-regime line.
And local elections are not going to be monitored as much by international observers, so the field will be set to stage ‘upsets’. After all, this unrepresentative government claims that it's only doing what the 'people' presumably want.
Control the cities
Another area that the regime has been trying to bolster is its support base among the urban civil society elite. Its attempt to get Dr. Yunus to lead this effort failed. Many of its other supporters among the urban elite are unappealing and unelectable in the perspective of the majority of voters. So, to the extent possible, it is redefining the boundaries of constituencies to give urban areas a greater share. This increases its chance to increase regime loyalists at least in the metropolitan areas. Holding non-party municipal elections is part of this plan.
Increase authority
The final ingredient is to increase the power of electoral authorities to arbitrarily declare results void. The Election Commission has been doing exactly the same. It is about to “empower it to cancel the candidature of any parliamentary contender for gross violation of electoral laws and declare vacant the seat of an elected lawmaker for giving false information in the account of the election expenses” (New Age, 29 April 2008). And who’s going to determine this violation? The Commission of course. Given this government’s woeful record, you can wave due process bye-bye in any such decision.
Satisfaction guaranteed
So voila! Now hold national elections, and at the end of the day, you have engineered a nice exit strategy by making sure only your friends are elected. No violence, no ballot box hijacking, and a lot of claps from foreign observers.
By Sikder Haseeb Khan
Source: The Progressive Bangladesh
July 1, 2008
Imagine that you’re sitting on the throne of Bangladesh’s politics. You are ruling with emergency powers, but dissent is swelling. You are in the midst of an economic crisis. You are threatened by powerful shadowy figures in your own security and intelligence apparatus. Your previous international patrons now uncomfortable. You need an exit, preferably an honorable one.
So you want to hold elections. But a fully free and fair election will almost certainly result in an outcome that you have reason to distrust, for it may return to power many popular politicians that your administration has persecuted severely. So what do you do in this tense situation?
The answer: engineer the elections—but do so carefully, without raising too many alarm bells. Ensure that voting goes smoothly on election day, without hijacking of ballot boxes, prevention of voters from casting ballots, or any such crude tactics that would be obvious to an observer. In other words, engineer it, not rig it. Here’s how...
Bar dissenters
The first step that the regime has taken: prevent feisty politicians from running in the election. Convicting politicians in quick trials—whatever the charges—will come in handy: declare them ineligible for holding public office. Then government would then intensify an “anti-corruption drive” prior to the candidate registration date in order to bar the local political activists that it doesn’t like.
Field proponents
At the same time, the regime has to leave enough of Awami League and BNP outside the legal net so that the parties themselves can participate in the election. It will continue hand-picking “reformist” politicians or possible turncoats, and intimidate or otherwise persuade them to compete. It will support selective campaigns from both security and funding standpoints. As a recent report by the International Crisis Group noted, “the army is preparing a countrywide list of its own ‘clean’ candidates to contest the 2008 polls.”
Whether or not these candidates will represent a King's Party or an existing political platform doesn't matter. What matters is that mostly pro-regime candidates will be allowed to compete.
Shape the grassroots
Then the regime has to ensure that the party rank and file do not rebel. It has already arrested thousands of activists all over the country to prevent dissent, and intimidated thousands others to conform. The government is also trying to bar parties from having students’, teachers’, and workers’ organizations, which usually house most of the activists. In this altered playing field, the government wants to hold local elections first, under either a state of emergency or very limited openings, to ensure that its supporters are able to infiltrate the grassroots level prior to a national election.
Since parliamentary candidates have to rely on grassroots leaders to carry their campaigns, shaping the grassroots will help ensure that parliamentary candidates are forced toe a pro-regime line.
And local elections are not going to be monitored as much by international observers, so the field will be set to stage ‘upsets’. After all, this unrepresentative government claims that it's only doing what the 'people' presumably want.
Control the cities
Another area that the regime has been trying to bolster is its support base among the urban civil society elite. Its attempt to get Dr. Yunus to lead this effort failed. Many of its other supporters among the urban elite are unappealing and unelectable in the perspective of the majority of voters. So, to the extent possible, it is redefining the boundaries of constituencies to give urban areas a greater share. This increases its chance to increase regime loyalists at least in the metropolitan areas. Holding non-party municipal elections is part of this plan.
Increase authority
The final ingredient is to increase the power of electoral authorities to arbitrarily declare results void. The Election Commission has been doing exactly the same. It is about to “empower it to cancel the candidature of any parliamentary contender for gross violation of electoral laws and declare vacant the seat of an elected lawmaker for giving false information in the account of the election expenses” (New Age, 29 April 2008). And who’s going to determine this violation? The Commission of course. Given this government’s woeful record, you can wave due process bye-bye in any such decision.
Satisfaction guaranteed
So voila! Now hold national elections, and at the end of the day, you have engineered a nice exit strategy by making sure only your friends are elected. No violence, no ballot box hijacking, and a lot of claps from foreign observers.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)