Tuesday, August 28, 2007
Alert on Media Situation in Bangladesh
Posted: 2007-08-28
The Asia Media Forum (AMF) expresses grave concerns over the reported harassments, assaults and intimidation of journalists and gagging of the media in Bangladesh and denounces the repression of the journalists.
The AMF also expresses solidarity with the journalists' community in Bangladesh, and strongly demands that the journalists be allowed to discharge their professional responsibilities without any hindrance.
The AMF notes with grave concern that the law-enforcing agencies resorted to assaults of the journalists, both print and electronic, while they were covering the students protesting against the high-handedness of the army personnel and demanding the lifting of the state of emergency that suspended fundamental rights of the citizens.
The AMF also notes that despite repeated government assurances of press freedom, the law enforcers resorted to detention, assaults, intimidation and humiliation of the media people particularly since the imposition of curfew on Aug 21. Over the last few days, dozens of journalists and photo-journalists were detained, scores of others beaten up, several dozens of media workers intimidated.
The AMF also expresses concern over the government's overt (officially intimidating two private TV channels — Ekushey and CSB) and covert attempts (telephonic instructions to media executives by the government agencies) to gag the press.
Under theses circumstances, the AMF urges the government of Bangladesh to immediately stop the repression of the journalists and gagging of the media, and thus ensure the people's inalienable right to remain informed about whatever development, political and otherwise, takes place in the society and state.
Statement by AHRC
AS-203-2007
August 27, 2007
Source: A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission
BANGLADESH: Contradictory figures of accused persons offered by Foreign Adviser and DMP Chief
The authorities of Bangladesh are giving contradictory figures relating to the number of accused persons in cases lodged with different police stations of Dhaka and other cities. This has been learned from bulletins and reports published over the national television channel as well as private TV stations, including the Dhaka based daily newspapers, which quoted the concerned officials.
Most of the national daily newspapers reported on 26 August that the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) lodged 35 cases against around 82,000 to 87,000 unnamed persons. In fact only twenty persons have actually been named in some twenty eight cases.
The Adviser for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Iftekher Ahmed Chowdhury, held a briefing for diplomatic mission heads working in Dhaka on the same day to let the foreign envoys know the ‘reality’. In the diplomatic briefing the adviser denied the incident of accusing more than 80,000 people in cases in connection with clashes between the students and law enforcement officers at the Dhaka University since 20 August 2007. The adviser asserted that “only 20 people were accused in the all cases lodged with the police stations of Dhaka and Rajshahi”, according to newspaper reports quoting Mr. Chowdhury.
On the same date, the Commissioner of the DMP, Mr. Nayeem Ahmed, told the newsmen that “Though over 76,000 unidentified people have been made accused in 35 cases, the number would obviously come down; the number might not exceed 10,000 as the same persons were involved in separate cases out of 35 cases lodged with 11 police stations of the metropolis”. Mr. Nayeem also added that some 25 people had been arrested in connection with the incidents.
However, both the adviser and the DMP commissioner gave assurances that persons not involved with the incident would not be harassed by the law enforcement officers.
On this, it is evident that there is contradictory information being disseminated by two responsible officials; the foreign adviser and the DMP Chief. Naturally, it gives rise to the question of what the exact number of accused persons really is. On one hand, the adviser claims that ‘only 20 people were accused’ in all cases. On the other hand, the DMP head clarifies that the number is 76,000, which might be reduced to 10,000. Why this difference between the statements of the adviser and the police?
The police commissioner, who is directly connected with the police stations regarding such serious incidents, might have given his explanations based on the records available from his subordinate colleagues. Should the citizens then believe that the adviser was not telling the truth to the diplomats?
The question is also raised that if only 20 people were accused in the 35 cases, then why, according to the DMP Commissioner, were 25 persons arrested in this connection? Who are those extra five persons? According to eye witnesses more than one hundred people have been arrested. In one incident alone 42 people, including 12 students of the Dhaka University, were arrested from the Aziz Super Market, adjacent to the university and they remain in detention. It has been learned that those persons were tied together, placed in a row and beaten by the officers until they were picked up in a prison van. Students and staff of the dormitories of the Dhaka University were brutally beaten by the police, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), army and other intelligence agents. Even school boys were beaten on the streets.
When will the law enforcement officers be charged for violating laws and human rights for these gross abuses?
If 20 people are the key accused for the violence, why have 76,000 unknown persons been implicated? The experience of Bangladesh reflects a picture relating to the practice of implicating unknown persons in huge number in alleged criminal offences. It becomes a great opportunity for the police and other law-enforcing agents to make money. Whatever is the number of accused persons does not matter to the police; they are accustomed to arresting whomever they want in order to extract bribes. In reality, there are serious threats for the common citizens who are scared of multiple methods of harassment at the hands of the law enforcement officers of Bangladesh.
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) urges the authorities of Bangladesh to look into the facts behind the arbitrary and repressive attitudes of the law enforcement agents, including the army and other para-military forces that took part in the raids in the dormitories of the universities, as well as private houses adjacent to the areas. The authorities must punish the alleged perpetrators belonging to the army and other forces that instigated the violence. No innocent citizens should be harassed by any means in the name of police investigations. The international communities, including the Human Rights Council of the United Nations should intervene in the ongoing gross abuses of human rights in Bangladesh and hold the authorities accountable in the respective forums where Bangladesh is a state party.
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About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.
Evil Forces in the Mind of Gen. Moeen

Source: Jagorook Bangalee
The de facto chief of present government in jungle fatigue General Moeen in his first sermon at Shariatpur, since the popular student public massive uprise, has postulated conspiracy theory and invented hands of ‘evil force’ behind the mass protest who intended to destabilize the present government. This vocabulary is not unknown to Bangalees who heard or read about Generals Ayub, Yahya, Zia and Ershad, the killers of democracy and ushers of martial law.
My first question, what are you doing in Shariatpur? Was it a relief operation or a political blitz? If it is apolitical, have you trespassed law and service code and are you treating the state as your own property? If it is humanitarian, can we demand the account; how much money spent for your flight to Shariatpur and for your security and reception versus the worth of your relief operation (in monetary scale)?
Mr General, life will not always be a bed of roses or like a honeymoon flight as it appears now. You have to reply all these questions sooner or later to the public. I have been receiving information from Bangladesh everyday. The style of raiding and breaking doors of civilian homes can be aptly described as “71 revisited”. I urge public to escalate all these barbaric incidents and knock the door of legal system nationally and internationally. While the government has sued 87000 individuals, public must sue this government for atrocities inflicted on each individual. Barrister Amiruls and Rokonuddins have cowardly surrendered to this government, but there are thousands of patriotic lawyers who will fight for the cause of distressed ones in every corridor of law and justice.
Now Mr. Moeen, let us talk about your spitting venom “evil forces tried to destabilize present government”, I have concurrence with your view. And at the end of this discussion you will see as I can see you are spitting venom vertically up in the air and your venom is likely falling back right on your head. That is the undeniable law of gravity. The only mandate of this Interim Government was to hold a viable election at the shortest possible time. They expanded their agenda and touched a very vital and critical issue ‘fight corruption’ which instantly swept the Government to the pinnacle of popularity. General Mashhud after assuming the position of chief of ACC went to Pakistan ironically to get trained on how to fight corruption. Public believed that Pakistan as the regional trail blazer could train best on ‘how to perpetuate martial law’ and least scope to learn anti-corruption from them. Public shrugged off scepticism and were clapping the holy warriors who were sending Czars and knights of corruption behind the bar. But public scepticism about the intention of the Interim Government started crystallizing when co-brother of General Mashhud, Major Eskander along with full family flew out of Dhaka, Queen mother of all corruption remains free, unscathed along with her one star-corrupt prince, brother Shamim, nephews etc. The main architects, who turned politics dysfunctional through corruption, terror and confrontation, were the chief of DGFI and few other Generals. They are enjoying life after mission accomplished, immune to the wrath of ACC or the holy war of the Government. Finally people opened their eyes in total disbelief seeing that old familiar hand again slowly extending it’s lethal fingers to strangulate the democratic political system of Bangladesh. This is the hand of Marshal Ayub Khan who branded Sheikh Mujib as ‘traitor’, corrupt and agent of foreign force. This is the hand of General Yahya who termed Mujib as ‘obstinate’. This is the blood soaked hand of General Zia who collaborated in killing of Mujib to make politics difficult for politicians and to turn Bangladesh into a Pakistan’s satellite . This is the slimy hand of General Ershad who has finally buried morality, decency and the spirit of liberation war. Mr Moeen U, now you are controlling this government with strings. If this government fails, general people will loose democracy. Then you will grab the throne as martial king III surrounded by your military henchmen and civilian pet dogs like Mainul. Therefore using principle of simple mathematics, martial law will come, you will win, democracy will retreat, people will be defeated. For how long, it will be yet to see. Therefore the question, who is the evil force to destabilize this government. Is it the public who sacrifice their blood flesh and souls to pull the chariot of democracy through the ups and downs of our history, or is it parasitical power-hungry leech which does not survive in democracy, to the contrary breeds and thrives in darkness of garrison, in swamp of corruption and intimately with fundamentalism. Now my friend, put your hand on your head. You will certainly find the venom of ‘evil force’ nesting there.
A friendly warning to you, millions of Venezuelans cordoned the cantonments and frustrated a military take over in Venezuela in 2002. I can see that percolation in public sentiment today. Your prisons will have no space and so will be your silky routes to Ganabhaban, swarmed by the millions. Then my friend Moeen, will you be able to take a U turn!!
Photo the Bangladesh army cannot stand

Photo the Bangladesh army cannot stand
By John Sudworth
Source: BBC News, Dhaka
If a single image can sum up the thorny mess into which Bangladesh has once again stumbled, then this perhaps is it.
A sandaled demonstrator in mid-air kick and a hatless army officer in terrified retreat.
In the background, bystanders hurry away. Out of shot, a military vehicle burns and the security forces are in danger of losing control to the angry mob.
The photo gives a momentary glimpse of just how bad things got during three days of violent protest that rocked cities across Bangladesh last week.
But the picture is significant for another reason. As we found out on the first night of the curfew imposed to contain the trouble it was an image that deeply upset the Bangladeshi rank and file.
Its publication was seen as a humiliation, every bit as great as if that flying sandaled foot had been aimed at the behind of the army chief himself.
Shortly after the curfew came into effect on Wednesday night, the BBC team was out filming.
No one was sure whether the media would be allowed to move freely.
Dhaka's streets, normally a round-the-clock festival of noise, were deserted.
Road blocks and checkpoints were being manned by the paramilitaries and the army was on patrol.
'Wrong message'
Sure enough our presence was soon noticed.
Two army jeeps pulled up sharply and a young officer jumped out. We were ordered to drop the camera as he radioed back to his base.
After a tense stand-off the message was relayed that we could continue filming "as long as we didn't give the wrong message to the country".
But in true Bangladeshi style the officer and I were soon the best of friends.
In the middle of a deserted city I was invited to sit on the kerb with him, while his troops waited restlessly in their trucks.
He offered me a smoke and then, with his arm round me, he told me of his time training in the UK, of his sense of duty and his love of his country.
He told me of the dark forces at work behind the rioting.
And most of all he told me how he hated that photo, and how irresponsible it had been of the newspaper to publish it.
We shook hands and parted on good terms. But then I have a white face and an international press card.
It's impossible to know whether it was this same officer and the same troops, but on that same evening a group of Bangladeshi journalists were left in little doubt about what the army thought about the role of the media.
Masud Parvez was one of a group of reporters from a national internet news service standing outside their office.
Two army jeeps pulled up and the reporters identified themselves as local newsmen.
"So what," came the reply.
Masud was given a prolonged beating on the steps of his office. He has an injury to his hand where he tried to fend off a rifle butt.
Some soldiers hit him with hockey sticks that they'd been carrying for exactly this kind of occasion.
Deepening rift
"I told them we were journalists from bdnews24.com. But despite giving our identity they started hitting us," he told me.
"It was a terrible experience. I can't make you understand how scared I was at the time."
Masud is just one of a number of reporters and cameramen beaten by the security forces over the period of the curfew.
The Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists puts the number at 30 or more.
Of course none of this can be blamed on a single image. But the photograph, and the reaction to it, gives a wider sense of a deepening rift between the military-backed authorities and civil society.
The army top brass has blamed what it calls evil forces and political opportunists for prolonging last week's rioting.
Five senior university professors, all distinguished academics, have been picked up by the army and detained.
One of them, Professor Anwar Hossain, is general secretary of the Dhaka University Teachers' Association.
His son, Sanjeeb, was at home when the army called in the early hours of the morning.
"It takes on a very sinister tone," he tells me.
"The teachers of Dhaka University are considered the heart and soul of this nation.
"It's a very unfortunate situation when teachers are being interrogated and actually taken away in the middle of the night."
An unknown number of students are also in custody. We visited one address, very close to where the photograph was taken, shortly after an army raid.
A dozen or so students had been arrested, and we saw clear evidence that a number of people had been interrogated and harshly beaten.
'Retribution and arrests'
This government came to power in January with the backing of the military on a wave of popular support vowing to reform politics and stamp out corruption.
But its reputation has been tarnished. A slum demolition programme, an attempt to exile two former prime ministers and its inability to contain the spiralling cost of food have all added to a growing sense of frustration.
Many newspapers have taken the view that the violence last week was a genuine expression of anger and frustration, rather than the work of shadowy forces of evil.
"Instead of retribution and arrests we suggest that dialogue be opened between teachers and students on the one hand and the caretaker government on the other," read one newspaper editorial this week.
Meanwhile, military intelligence units appear to be using media images to find and arrest those involved in the violence.
As for the photo that so upset the army, luckily for him at least, the protester doing the kicking is difficult to identify.
But they are looking for him.
Both the editor who published the image, and the photographer who took it, have been visited and questioned by the army.
Lord Avebury on Bangladesh Situation

August 25 statement as Chair, International Bangladesh Foundation
Lord Avebury has issued this following statement on August 25, 2007. Here is the excerpt of his statement:
We repeat the call made five months ago by the Commonwealth Secretary General to the Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh to lift the state of emergency and restore basic human and political rights to all citizens.
Since then, there has been significant erosion of popular support. The recent outbreak of protests and violence indicates the volatility and uncertainty of a situation in which the government and their military backers are pitted against large sections of civil society and the political parties. The indefinite curfew may have produced a temporary lull, but over the medium term may serve to fuel the resentment of the students and their supporters.
Similarly, the selective use of the ban on political activities against critics of the government is now a main cause of discontent, and makes it impossible for the political leaders who wish to see the holding of free and fair local government and national elections in accordance with the Electoral Commission roadmap, to play a constructive role in the restoration of democracy and the rule of law.
The recent arrest without a warrant of Sheikh Hasina, former Prime Minister and the President of the Awami League, is the most blatant example of how the use of the Emergency Power Rules to illegally detain and harass its opponents of the government.When the High Court ruled that Sheikh Hasina’s arrest and detention on charges of extortion were illegal; that her charges could not be tried under the Emergency Powers, and granted her bail, the government pre-empted the court’s decision by arresting her on a further charge of extortion so that she continued to be detained.
The High Court ruled that the use of the Emergency Power Rules in the second case, and the continued detention, were both illegal as well. Meanwhile, the government had appealed against the High Court’s decision in the first case to the Supreme Court. The second hearing on this appeal was held on August 16 and a third hearing has been set for tomorrow, August 26, while Sheikh Hasina continues to be in detention.
Pressurising the judiciary and misuse of the appeals process the government ensures that for the time being, Sheikh Hasina is silenced, and the same tactics have been used against other critics.
A person convicted in the lower courts is barred from standing as a candidate for political office under the Emergency Power Rules, contrary to the constitution which provides that such a bar does not come into effect until the rights of appeal have been exhausted and the conviction upheld This means that cases can be rushed through the lower courts to ensure that an opponent of the government will be unable to compete in the either the local elections scheduled for January 2008, or the general election to be held by the end of next year.
It is alleged that the evidence against Sheikh Hasina consists only of testimonies extracted through the use of torture. Human Rights Watch report cited the claim by Tasneem Khalil, a journalist and human rights activist who was often critical of the present government, to have been tortured, and they assert that arbitrary arrest and detention and torture are a significant problem in Bangladesh today.
We accept that previous governments of Bangladesh have been riddled with corruption and we applaud the caretaker government’s determination not only to bring the criminals who became millionaires at the expense of the people to justice, but to reform the political system so as to make it as hard as possible for crooks to exploit the offices of the state in future. We believe it is not too late for this to be achieved by the government in cooperation with straight politicians and civil society, but as a prerequisite we suggest that the government review the evidence in the cases against Sheikh Hasina and others, and enter into a dialogue with the parties, student leaders and lawyers, on restoring civil rights and the independence of the courts.
জলপাই বন্দনা ও ব্লগের রাজাকার
১.
জলপাই মামারা আজিজ সুপার মার্কেটের উপরতলায় গিয়ে প্রত্যেকটি এ্যাপার্টমেন্ট তন্য তন্য করে তল্লাশি করেছে। এরপর একটা একটা করে ছাত্র ধরে এনে সারিবদ্ধভাবে দাঁড় করিয়েছে। তারপর যা হবার তাই। ছাত্রদের "গরু পেটা" করা হয়েছে। ছাত্ররাই যত নষ্টের মূল। আন্দোলন করিস *** বাচ্চারা!
এটি একাত্তরের কোন ঘটনার বর্ণনা নয়। স্বাধীনতার ৩৬ বছর পরের ঘটনা। জলপাই রাঙানো বাংলাদেশের রাজধানীর একটা খন্ডচিত্র।
২.
নিন্দুকেরা দেশপ্রেমিক সেনাবাহিনীকে জলপাই বলে তুচ্ছ-তাচ্ছিল্য করে। কিন্তু আমি তা করবনা। আমি সেনাপ্রধানের কাছে অনুরোধ করছি
* সেনাবাহিনী এদেশের কৃষক মজুরের ঘামে ঝরানো রেশনের চাল খেয়ে বড় হয়: আপনারা দিনমজুর আর হকারদের উপর একটু দয়া করুন
* সেনাবাহিনীর গৌরবগাঁথা পড়ে দেশপ্রেমে উদ্বুদ্ধ হয় দেশের শতশত ছাত্র-শিক্ষক-জনতা: আপনারা ছাত্রদের আর গরুপেটা করবেন না। আমার বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের শিক্ষকদের মধ্যরাতে গ্রেফতার করবেন না।
* রাজনীতিবিদদের ব্যর্থতার পরে আপনারা যখন পরোক্ষভাবে ক্ষমতায় অধিষ্ঠিত হলেন, দেশের মানুষ আপনাদের স্বাগত জানিয়েছিল: দয়া করে দেশের মানুষের এত কঠিন পরীক্ষা নেবেন না।
* দেশের জনগনের সম্পদ যারা ধ্বংস করে তাদের ছবি তুলুন, পুলিশে ধরিয়ে দিন, বিচার করুন: কিন্তু কারফিউ তুলে নিন।
আমি আপনাদের আর জলপাই বলবনা, বিনিময়ে আমার বাড়িতে গিয়ে বাবা-মাকে দয়া করে শাসাবেন না। আমি আপনাদের বিরুদ্ধে আর ব্লগ লিখবনা, বিনিময়ে আপনি আমাকে আপনাদের সুনজরে নিন। আপনারা মহান, আপনারা বীর সেনা। আমরা চুনোপুটি আপনাদের কথামত চলব আর রসগোল্লার ছিটেফোঁটা রস যদি আপনাদের পাত থেকে গড়িয়ে পড়ে তো চেটেপুটে খাব। আপনাদের বুটে পিষ্ট হওয়ার চেয়ে, এসএমজি'র বাঁটের গুতা খাওয়া চেয়ে, ব্যাটনের আঘাতে কোমর ভাঙার চেয়ে আমি নাহয় ব্লগের রাজাকার হয়েই বেঁচে থাকব। অতপর সুদিন এলে হাঙরে খাওয়া নিশান উড়িয়ে হয়তো সংসদে বসব, নতুন নতুন কানুন তৈরী করব।
আহা.. বেঁচে থাকাটা আমার বড় দরকার এখন।