DHAKA, Bangladesh: A court in northeastern Bangladesh on Tuesday indicted the leader of a banned Islamic militant group in connection with a 2004 grenade attack that wounded a British diplomat and killed three other people, a television station reported.
Mufti Hannan, leader of the banned Islamic group Harkatul Jihad Al-Islami, and three of his associates face trial on charges of murder, CSB television station quoted unidentified court officials saying.
The court set Aug. 28 to hear prosecution witnesses at the start of the trial, the report said.
Hannan and three others were present in the court in Sylhet city, 192 kilometers (120 miles) northeast of the capital Dhaka. All four suspects were charged by police in June in connection with the attack. However, under Bangladeshi law a court must either accept or reject the charges and issue an indictment for the case to proceed.
If convicted, the four accused could face the death penalty.
Police said the attack targeted Bangladesh-born British High Commissioner Anwar Chowdhury in Sylhet city in May 2004.
A policeman and two bystanders were killed and 50 others, including Chowdhury, were wounded.
A hand grenade was hurled at Chowdhury as he left a Muslim shrine after Friday prayers.
Hannan, a radical cleric, who is believed to have trained with Islamic fighters in Afghanistan in the 1980s, was arrested in October 2005 following a spate of bombings at cultural events, blamed on the outlawed Harkatul Jihad Al-Islami.
The radical group, identified as a "terrorist organization" by the authorities, wants to establish strict Islamic rule in Bangladesh, a Muslim-majority nation governed by secular laws.
It also seeks to avenge the killings of Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan in the U.S.-led campaign against international terrorism.
Tuesday, July 31, 2007
Court Indicts Radical Islamic Leader
At last, Bangladesh is moving to indict radical islamists involved in bomb attack on the British High Commissioner in Bangladesh. When indicting these culprits is a positive development in Bangladesh, it needs to go beyond that to prohibit faith based political entities that promote fundamentalism and intolerance. Read this news from Internal Herald Tribute published on July 31, 2007:
Court Ruling: Coverage from BBC
Please listen to BBC's interview with Sajeeb Wazed Joy about his reaction to High Court's ruling for his mother's release. You will also hear an expert reaction from Mr. Ziauddin on international court monitor to witness Hasina's trial. (This program is in Bangla)
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Monday, July 30, 2007
From Anarchy to Authoritarianism
Source: South Asia Intelligence Review
Bibhu Prasad Routray
Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management
If the Army-backed Interim Government has its way, the days of glory for the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which alternately ruled Bangladesh for 16 long years, appear effectively to be over. Under a carefully structured strategy, the Interim Administration is replacing the existing system of Parliamentary Democracy with one in which the primacy of the men in uniform would be second to none. And, to the extent that they appear to have discovered an able partner in the radical Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), the latter appears set to benefit immensely from its association with the country’s new power centre.
The grand strategy of the Interim Administration, functioning under Emergency provisions since January 11, 2007, is being articulated through steps purportedly undertaken against the pervasive corruption in the country, the implementation of extensive reforms in the political parties and assistance to the Election Commission (EC) in its tasks of preparing voters’ list as well as chalking out the roadmap for the parliamentary elections. It is evident that in the manner of accomplishing each of these objectives, the Government is seeking to impose a radical transformation in the country’s politics.
Since the Interim Government extended its authority under Emergency provisions in January, more than 170 politicians and businessmen have been arrested and prosecuted for involvement in corruption. Among the arrested are the country’s foremost leaders and members of their families, the last in the list being the AL chief and former Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, on charges of extorting Bangladesh Taka (BDT) 29.6 million from a private company. A similar fate awaits her bete noire, BNP Chief Khaleda Zia, who has been charged with several extortion and murder cases and has been summoned to appear in court by August 26 on tax evasion allegations. Other prominent individuals who are currently under detention include former Minister of State Lutfozzaman Babar; Khaleda Zia’s son and BNP General Secretary Tarique Rahman; former BNP minister Brigadier General (Retired) Hannan Shah; former BNP State Minister for Civil Aviation, Mir Mohammad Nasiruddin; AL General Secretary Abdul Jalil; former BNP Minister Altaf Hossain Chowdhury; Fazlur Rahman Patal, former-AL parliamentarian; Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim, former-BNP parliamentarian; Partex Group Chairman M.A. Hashem; and former Bangladesh Chamber of Commerce and Industry president, Abdul Awal Mintoo.
Similarly, under the programme for carrying out reforms within the political parties, immense encouragement has been provided by the Interim Administration to potential dissident groups within leading parties. However, while hounding out the existing and no-doubt corrupt leadership, the ‘reform process’ has done little to avoid the danger of installing persons with similar antecedents at the helm of affairs. While the AL’s reform process, largely headed by the party’s presidium member, Abdur Razzak, has been halted since Hasina’s arrest, the changes in the BNP are being headed by people who have themselves been accused of heinous crimes including extortion and murder. For example, the party General Secretary, who has emerged as the frontrunner to grab the chief’s post in the ‘reformed’ BNP, presided over the Cooperatives and Local Government and Rural Development Ministry, one of the most corrupt departments during the BNP’s rule. A case has been filed against Bhuiyan for illegally registering 10 acres of land in the southern port city of Cox's Bazaar. Another top pro-reform leader Sayeed Iqbal Mahmud Titu is accused of nexus with Islamist militants and the killing of the BNP’s student wing, Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), leader Khokon at Zahurul Haq Hall in Dhaka University. Former parliamentarians including Syed Abul Hossain and Mosharraf Hossain Mangu have been named by the ACC as corruption suspects. Reports indicate that threats of prosecution have been used effectively by the Government against such leaders to nudge them to continue their activities against the existing leadership.
Clearly, the existence of strong political parties is inimical to the interests of the Army. In a bid to curtail the absolute power of the parliamentary boards of political parties to nominate party candidates for parliamentary election, the EC has drafted a new proposal on June 17, 2007. Henceforth, two or more candidates will now be selected through a secret ballot by the grass-roots workers of the registered parties, one of whom would be selected as the final candidate by the party's Central Parliamentary Board.
The Government’s initiatives have been boosted by the rather ambiguous constitutional provisions regarding the unique authority of the ‘non-party caretaker government’ (Part IIA) and the ‘emergency provisions’ (Part IXA). While the gap between the expiry of the term of a Parliament and the constitution of another is prescribed to be a maximum of ‘ninety days’, Article 58-B vaguely describes the duration of the Caretaker Government as "the period from the date on which the Chief Adviser of such government enters upon office after Parliament is dissolved or stands dissolved by reason of expiration of its term till the date on which a new Prime Minister enters upon his office after the constitution of Parliament." The duration of emergency ceases to operate "at the expiration of one hundred and twenty days" without the approval of an elected parliament [Article: 141-A-2(c)]. However, the same article indicates that the imposition can go on indefinitely and would cease to operate "at the expiration of thirty days from the date on which Parliament first meets after its re-constitution". An extended absence of an elected Parliament and a process of ‘preparation’ for elections that has been prolonged to more than two years, were clearly not envisaged by the framers of the Constitution.
The non-party Caretaker Government is empowered to "discharge its functions as an interim government" and "carry on the routine functions of such government". The Constitution explicitly restricts the non-party Caretaker Government from making policy decisions "except in the case of necessity for the discharge of such functions" [Article: 58-D-1], However, under Emergency provisions, the powers of the Government assume wider proportions, including the abrogation of basic and fundamental rights of citizens [Article: 141-C].
Taking advantage of the popular mood against corruption, the seven-Division 110,000-strong Army has virtually entrenched itself in every segment of the Administration. Two of the ten advisors to the Interim Government have an Army background: Maj. Gen. (Retd.) M. A. Matin, Advisor to the Ministry of Communications, Shipping, Civil Aviation & Tourism and Liberation War Affairs, is a former head of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and is known for a strong anti-AL stance. Maj. Gen. (Dr.) A.S.M. Matiur Rahman (Retd), is advisor to the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Water Resources and Religious Affairs. Two of the key institutions of the Interim Government are also headed by former Army officials. While Brigadier General (Retd.) M. Sakhawat Hossain heads the Election Commission (EC), the powerful Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) is headed by Lt. Gen. (Retd.) Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury.
Notwithstanding the July 15 announcement by the EC regarding the tentative parliamentary election in December 2008, there are several indications that the Interim Government may well be preparing for a long stint in power – or, at the very minimum, for a radical transformation of the equation of power in Bangladesh. In spite of promises by Chief Advisor Fakhruddin Ahmed and the Army Chief, Lt. Gen. Moeen U. Ahmed, that the Caretaker Government would not extend its term beyond December 2008, the Government put its seal on a proposal to expand its structure on July 4, 2007, appointing a number of new officers to assist the Advisors. The Government spokesperson explained the move as intended to "unburden the council of advisers of the huge workload". Earlier, in May, the Army Chief had elevated himself to a four star rank, ensuring that that he would stay on as Army Chief beyond his original retirement date of June 2008, at least into 2009, beyond the December 2008 deadline for the scheduled elections.
The Army’s apparent craving to extend its stay in power does not appear to spring entirely from a desire to ‘clean up the mess’. In fact, the ‘incorruptible’ Army stands to make significant economic gains from its prolonged engagement in civil administration. The growth of the Army’s corporate character and financial autonomy, which started during General H.M. Ershad’s regime (1982-90), has since channelled several sources of economic windfall to the Force, and created a regime where the Army’s supremacy is virtually unchallenged, and is, further, best suited for its expansion. Bangladesh Army officers are known to have invested heavily in several businesses. Thus, the Global Trust Bank Limited, a commercial bank established in 1999, with 20 branches and a total asset of BDT 14,807,905,231 (Approximately USD 216 million, as on December 31, 2005) was an Army-sponsored endeavour. The Sena Kalyan Sangstha (Army Welfare Foundation) has a stake in the Raddison Hotel in Dhaka, runs a flour mill, an ice cream factory, a hosiery mill, a fabric-manufacturing factory, a textile factory, a Compressed Natural Gas project, a bakery, an electricity products manufacturing unit, a television manufacturing plant, and has stakes in real estate, among other enterprises.
Nevertheless, if the lacklustre protests against Sheikh Hasina’s arrest are any indication, the Government’s anti-corruption moves continue to enjoy rock solid popular support. In fact, such actions appear to have provided this country of 150 million a much-needed vent to years of frustration against an unrelenting succession of inept and corrupt regimes.
What is worrisome, however, is the currently trajectory of the expansion of the arbitrary authority of an unelected Administration and its military backers. Worse, there is evidence of the consolidation of the mullah-military nexus in the country, as the Government soft-peddles on the radical Jamaat-e-Islami, in spite of the latter’s well-documented links with Islamist terrorism and organised crime. Such a policy is a natural corollary to the ‘minus-two plan’, which aims to throw the twin ‘battling begums’ into the dustbin of history. In view of the apparent failure of the Interim Government to prop up new political entities to replace the AL and the BNP, hobnobbing with the dangerous, though electorally marginal, Jamaat – the party has never has received more than 12 percent of popular votes – appears to have become an indispensable part of the strategy.
Thus, in recent months, the Government’s steps against the autocratic control of party affairs have stopped with the AL and the BNP, even though the Jamaat is not known to be any different as far as its stranglehold over cadres and territories is concerned. Reform within the Jamaat has remained an untouched area for the Government. Indeed, Jamaat leaders have been treated as a special category, as compared to their counterparts in the BNP and the AL. At least 13 of the 17 Jamaat parliamentarians in the previous BNP-led coalition Government are alleged to have been involved in several criminal activities. However, till July 25, only three of them had been arrested. In addition, the top leaders of the party have managed to secure favours even from the ‘stringent’ judiciary. On May 8, 2007, the Jamaat Chief, Matiur Rahman Nizami, managed to secure bail in a case involving the killing of a Workers’ Party activist in capital Dhaka on October 28, 2006. Further, Jamaat Secretary General and former Social Welfare Minister, Ali Ahsan Mojaheed, was allowed to go to Turkey in the second week of June 2007, in spite of charges brought against him on June 5, 2007, in connection with the August 21, 2004, grenade attack on an AL rally in Dhaka. Previously, on May 3, 2007, an extortion case had been lodged against Mojaheed in a court in Sylhet. Interestingly, on July 25, Communications Adviser Maj. Gen. Matin came up with the most incredible of explanations regarding the soft-handed official approach towards the Jamaat: "It might well be that they were never involved in any corruption."
Apart from providing such protection, the Government is also seeking to hoist a bunch of Jamaat supporters in key positions in the administration as well as in the military ranks. The newly appointed Director General of the DGFI, Maj. Gen. Golam Mohammad, is known to be a Jamaat sympathiser and his mother is a rokon (registered member) of the Jamaat. The former Deputy Chief of the DGFI, Brigadier General Abdullahil Azmi, who has been relocated as the head of the National Defence College is the son of the former Ameer (chief) of the Jamaat, Golam Azam, a votary of Pakistan’s rule in pre-independent East Bengal and one of the principal collaborators in the genocide of 1971. Another staunch Jamaat sympathiser, Golam Arshad has been appointed as the Press Minister in the Bangladesh Embassy in Washington DC.
The Government is also contributing directly to the extension of the Jamaat’s sphere of influence. On July 2, 2007, the EC took a decision to involve the Bangladesh Mashjid (mosque) Mission (BMM) in encouraging people to enrol themselves in the voters’ list. Established in 1973, BMM functions on an agenda of a ‘Mosques-based integrated community development’ programme. BMM was founded by Maulana Alauddin Al Azhari, brother in law of Golam Azam. BMM’s nexus with the Jamaat continues till date. It was from a BMM-organised function in Dhaka on December 24, 2005, that the Jamaat chief Nizami, had blamed India for the August 17, 2005, country-wide bombings.
Similar favours appear to have been extended to the Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS), the Jamaat student body. Apart from three arrests of ICS activists on minor charges, little attempt has been made to curb its radical activities. Reports in 2007 have indicated that the ICS continues to run a number of guest houses in the vicinity of various universities where it provides residential facilities to out-of-station students who fail to find accommodation in the universities’ residential halls. Reports indicate that there are more than 50 such houses in Shahbagh, Paribagh, Kantaban, Palashi, Nilkhet and adjoining areas near Dhaka University. Armed ICS activists with links to Islamist militants are reported to have been sheltered in these houses. Whereas fees charged from students getting accommodation in these guest houses is nominal, all of them are required to attend tutorials and training sessions, including classes on militant Islam and on strategies to run clandestine organisational activities, in addition to courses on the radical Islamist ideology. Some students who attend these training programmes are also promised seats in the university halls, while some have been promised jobs by the ICS.
It is, however, the case that the Interim Government has continued efforts to neutralise the Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and the Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), which were actually responsible for the August 2005 serial bombings across Bangladesh, and the top leadership of these organisations has been executed after conviction and sentencing, and some others involved have been handed out long prison sentences, under the interim regime.
Action against alleged left-wing extremists has also been relentless, and it is difficult to differentiate between the previous BNP-led coalition, which targeted the ‘outlaws’ with a vengeance, and the present Interim Administration. The much disparaged fake encounter deaths targeting left-wing extremists continue. On July 11, human rights organisation, Odhikar, stated in a report that a person fell victim to extra-judicial killing in the country every 38 hours, while 1.1 persons have been arrested every minute, on the average, by law enforcement agencies since the declaration of the state of Emergency on January 11. The Institute for Conflict Management database indicates that, in 2007 (till July 25), 47 left-wing extremists were killed in the country, compared to only six Islamist militants. At the same time, no steps have been taken against the Harkat-ul Jehad-al Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B), which continues to be the vehicle of the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency’s anti-India operations, and that has carried out several terrorist strikes targeting Indian urban centres over the past over two years.
Little attention has been paid by the foreign powers, including India, to the developments in Bangladesh. The image of existing political parties has been sufficiently tarnished both domestically and internationally, and there are few voices in favour of their restoration to power. Unfortunately, the dangerous liaisons of the uniform and religious radicalism have been largely missed out, buried under the Interim Government’s rhetoric of reform and reconstruction. General Pervez Musharraf’s Pakistan is an ongoing reminder of the catastrophic consequences of such a nexus and its disastrous impact on democracy. Despite this, however, it appears, there are still many in Bangladesh who are willing to invest their faith in a radical-authoritarian regime under the pretext of curing the evident ‘ills of democracy’.
Bibhu Prasad Routray
Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management
If the Army-backed Interim Government has its way, the days of glory for the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which alternately ruled Bangladesh for 16 long years, appear effectively to be over. Under a carefully structured strategy, the Interim Administration is replacing the existing system of Parliamentary Democracy with one in which the primacy of the men in uniform would be second to none. And, to the extent that they appear to have discovered an able partner in the radical Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), the latter appears set to benefit immensely from its association with the country’s new power centre.
The grand strategy of the Interim Administration, functioning under Emergency provisions since January 11, 2007, is being articulated through steps purportedly undertaken against the pervasive corruption in the country, the implementation of extensive reforms in the political parties and assistance to the Election Commission (EC) in its tasks of preparing voters’ list as well as chalking out the roadmap for the parliamentary elections. It is evident that in the manner of accomplishing each of these objectives, the Government is seeking to impose a radical transformation in the country’s politics.
Since the Interim Government extended its authority under Emergency provisions in January, more than 170 politicians and businessmen have been arrested and prosecuted for involvement in corruption. Among the arrested are the country’s foremost leaders and members of their families, the last in the list being the AL chief and former Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, on charges of extorting Bangladesh Taka (BDT) 29.6 million from a private company. A similar fate awaits her bete noire, BNP Chief Khaleda Zia, who has been charged with several extortion and murder cases and has been summoned to appear in court by August 26 on tax evasion allegations. Other prominent individuals who are currently under detention include former Minister of State Lutfozzaman Babar; Khaleda Zia’s son and BNP General Secretary Tarique Rahman; former BNP minister Brigadier General (Retired) Hannan Shah; former BNP State Minister for Civil Aviation, Mir Mohammad Nasiruddin; AL General Secretary Abdul Jalil; former BNP Minister Altaf Hossain Chowdhury; Fazlur Rahman Patal, former-AL parliamentarian; Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim, former-BNP parliamentarian; Partex Group Chairman M.A. Hashem; and former Bangladesh Chamber of Commerce and Industry president, Abdul Awal Mintoo.
Similarly, under the programme for carrying out reforms within the political parties, immense encouragement has been provided by the Interim Administration to potential dissident groups within leading parties. However, while hounding out the existing and no-doubt corrupt leadership, the ‘reform process’ has done little to avoid the danger of installing persons with similar antecedents at the helm of affairs. While the AL’s reform process, largely headed by the party’s presidium member, Abdur Razzak, has been halted since Hasina’s arrest, the changes in the BNP are being headed by people who have themselves been accused of heinous crimes including extortion and murder. For example, the party General Secretary, who has emerged as the frontrunner to grab the chief’s post in the ‘reformed’ BNP, presided over the Cooperatives and Local Government and Rural Development Ministry, one of the most corrupt departments during the BNP’s rule. A case has been filed against Bhuiyan for illegally registering 10 acres of land in the southern port city of Cox's Bazaar. Another top pro-reform leader Sayeed Iqbal Mahmud Titu is accused of nexus with Islamist militants and the killing of the BNP’s student wing, Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), leader Khokon at Zahurul Haq Hall in Dhaka University. Former parliamentarians including Syed Abul Hossain and Mosharraf Hossain Mangu have been named by the ACC as corruption suspects. Reports indicate that threats of prosecution have been used effectively by the Government against such leaders to nudge them to continue their activities against the existing leadership.
Clearly, the existence of strong political parties is inimical to the interests of the Army. In a bid to curtail the absolute power of the parliamentary boards of political parties to nominate party candidates for parliamentary election, the EC has drafted a new proposal on June 17, 2007. Henceforth, two or more candidates will now be selected through a secret ballot by the grass-roots workers of the registered parties, one of whom would be selected as the final candidate by the party's Central Parliamentary Board.
The Government’s initiatives have been boosted by the rather ambiguous constitutional provisions regarding the unique authority of the ‘non-party caretaker government’ (Part IIA) and the ‘emergency provisions’ (Part IXA). While the gap between the expiry of the term of a Parliament and the constitution of another is prescribed to be a maximum of ‘ninety days’, Article 58-B vaguely describes the duration of the Caretaker Government as "the period from the date on which the Chief Adviser of such government enters upon office after Parliament is dissolved or stands dissolved by reason of expiration of its term till the date on which a new Prime Minister enters upon his office after the constitution of Parliament." The duration of emergency ceases to operate "at the expiration of one hundred and twenty days" without the approval of an elected parliament [Article: 141-A-2(c)]. However, the same article indicates that the imposition can go on indefinitely and would cease to operate "at the expiration of thirty days from the date on which Parliament first meets after its re-constitution". An extended absence of an elected Parliament and a process of ‘preparation’ for elections that has been prolonged to more than two years, were clearly not envisaged by the framers of the Constitution.
The non-party Caretaker Government is empowered to "discharge its functions as an interim government" and "carry on the routine functions of such government". The Constitution explicitly restricts the non-party Caretaker Government from making policy decisions "except in the case of necessity for the discharge of such functions" [Article: 58-D-1], However, under Emergency provisions, the powers of the Government assume wider proportions, including the abrogation of basic and fundamental rights of citizens [Article: 141-C].
Taking advantage of the popular mood against corruption, the seven-Division 110,000-strong Army has virtually entrenched itself in every segment of the Administration. Two of the ten advisors to the Interim Government have an Army background: Maj. Gen. (Retd.) M. A. Matin, Advisor to the Ministry of Communications, Shipping, Civil Aviation & Tourism and Liberation War Affairs, is a former head of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and is known for a strong anti-AL stance. Maj. Gen. (Dr.) A.S.M. Matiur Rahman (Retd), is advisor to the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Water Resources and Religious Affairs. Two of the key institutions of the Interim Government are also headed by former Army officials. While Brigadier General (Retd.) M. Sakhawat Hossain heads the Election Commission (EC), the powerful Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) is headed by Lt. Gen. (Retd.) Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury.
Notwithstanding the July 15 announcement by the EC regarding the tentative parliamentary election in December 2008, there are several indications that the Interim Government may well be preparing for a long stint in power – or, at the very minimum, for a radical transformation of the equation of power in Bangladesh. In spite of promises by Chief Advisor Fakhruddin Ahmed and the Army Chief, Lt. Gen. Moeen U. Ahmed, that the Caretaker Government would not extend its term beyond December 2008, the Government put its seal on a proposal to expand its structure on July 4, 2007, appointing a number of new officers to assist the Advisors. The Government spokesperson explained the move as intended to "unburden the council of advisers of the huge workload". Earlier, in May, the Army Chief had elevated himself to a four star rank, ensuring that that he would stay on as Army Chief beyond his original retirement date of June 2008, at least into 2009, beyond the December 2008 deadline for the scheduled elections.
The Army’s apparent craving to extend its stay in power does not appear to spring entirely from a desire to ‘clean up the mess’. In fact, the ‘incorruptible’ Army stands to make significant economic gains from its prolonged engagement in civil administration. The growth of the Army’s corporate character and financial autonomy, which started during General H.M. Ershad’s regime (1982-90), has since channelled several sources of economic windfall to the Force, and created a regime where the Army’s supremacy is virtually unchallenged, and is, further, best suited for its expansion. Bangladesh Army officers are known to have invested heavily in several businesses. Thus, the Global Trust Bank Limited, a commercial bank established in 1999, with 20 branches and a total asset of BDT 14,807,905,231 (Approximately USD 216 million, as on December 31, 2005) was an Army-sponsored endeavour. The Sena Kalyan Sangstha (Army Welfare Foundation) has a stake in the Raddison Hotel in Dhaka, runs a flour mill, an ice cream factory, a hosiery mill, a fabric-manufacturing factory, a textile factory, a Compressed Natural Gas project, a bakery, an electricity products manufacturing unit, a television manufacturing plant, and has stakes in real estate, among other enterprises.
Nevertheless, if the lacklustre protests against Sheikh Hasina’s arrest are any indication, the Government’s anti-corruption moves continue to enjoy rock solid popular support. In fact, such actions appear to have provided this country of 150 million a much-needed vent to years of frustration against an unrelenting succession of inept and corrupt regimes.
What is worrisome, however, is the currently trajectory of the expansion of the arbitrary authority of an unelected Administration and its military backers. Worse, there is evidence of the consolidation of the mullah-military nexus in the country, as the Government soft-peddles on the radical Jamaat-e-Islami, in spite of the latter’s well-documented links with Islamist terrorism and organised crime. Such a policy is a natural corollary to the ‘minus-two plan’, which aims to throw the twin ‘battling begums’ into the dustbin of history. In view of the apparent failure of the Interim Government to prop up new political entities to replace the AL and the BNP, hobnobbing with the dangerous, though electorally marginal, Jamaat – the party has never has received more than 12 percent of popular votes – appears to have become an indispensable part of the strategy.
Thus, in recent months, the Government’s steps against the autocratic control of party affairs have stopped with the AL and the BNP, even though the Jamaat is not known to be any different as far as its stranglehold over cadres and territories is concerned. Reform within the Jamaat has remained an untouched area for the Government. Indeed, Jamaat leaders have been treated as a special category, as compared to their counterparts in the BNP and the AL. At least 13 of the 17 Jamaat parliamentarians in the previous BNP-led coalition Government are alleged to have been involved in several criminal activities. However, till July 25, only three of them had been arrested. In addition, the top leaders of the party have managed to secure favours even from the ‘stringent’ judiciary. On May 8, 2007, the Jamaat Chief, Matiur Rahman Nizami, managed to secure bail in a case involving the killing of a Workers’ Party activist in capital Dhaka on October 28, 2006. Further, Jamaat Secretary General and former Social Welfare Minister, Ali Ahsan Mojaheed, was allowed to go to Turkey in the second week of June 2007, in spite of charges brought against him on June 5, 2007, in connection with the August 21, 2004, grenade attack on an AL rally in Dhaka. Previously, on May 3, 2007, an extortion case had been lodged against Mojaheed in a court in Sylhet. Interestingly, on July 25, Communications Adviser Maj. Gen. Matin came up with the most incredible of explanations regarding the soft-handed official approach towards the Jamaat: "It might well be that they were never involved in any corruption."
Apart from providing such protection, the Government is also seeking to hoist a bunch of Jamaat supporters in key positions in the administration as well as in the military ranks. The newly appointed Director General of the DGFI, Maj. Gen. Golam Mohammad, is known to be a Jamaat sympathiser and his mother is a rokon (registered member) of the Jamaat. The former Deputy Chief of the DGFI, Brigadier General Abdullahil Azmi, who has been relocated as the head of the National Defence College is the son of the former Ameer (chief) of the Jamaat, Golam Azam, a votary of Pakistan’s rule in pre-independent East Bengal and one of the principal collaborators in the genocide of 1971. Another staunch Jamaat sympathiser, Golam Arshad has been appointed as the Press Minister in the Bangladesh Embassy in Washington DC.
The Government is also contributing directly to the extension of the Jamaat’s sphere of influence. On July 2, 2007, the EC took a decision to involve the Bangladesh Mashjid (mosque) Mission (BMM) in encouraging people to enrol themselves in the voters’ list. Established in 1973, BMM functions on an agenda of a ‘Mosques-based integrated community development’ programme. BMM was founded by Maulana Alauddin Al Azhari, brother in law of Golam Azam. BMM’s nexus with the Jamaat continues till date. It was from a BMM-organised function in Dhaka on December 24, 2005, that the Jamaat chief Nizami, had blamed India for the August 17, 2005, country-wide bombings.
Similar favours appear to have been extended to the Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS), the Jamaat student body. Apart from three arrests of ICS activists on minor charges, little attempt has been made to curb its radical activities. Reports in 2007 have indicated that the ICS continues to run a number of guest houses in the vicinity of various universities where it provides residential facilities to out-of-station students who fail to find accommodation in the universities’ residential halls. Reports indicate that there are more than 50 such houses in Shahbagh, Paribagh, Kantaban, Palashi, Nilkhet and adjoining areas near Dhaka University. Armed ICS activists with links to Islamist militants are reported to have been sheltered in these houses. Whereas fees charged from students getting accommodation in these guest houses is nominal, all of them are required to attend tutorials and training sessions, including classes on militant Islam and on strategies to run clandestine organisational activities, in addition to courses on the radical Islamist ideology. Some students who attend these training programmes are also promised seats in the university halls, while some have been promised jobs by the ICS.
It is, however, the case that the Interim Government has continued efforts to neutralise the Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and the Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), which were actually responsible for the August 2005 serial bombings across Bangladesh, and the top leadership of these organisations has been executed after conviction and sentencing, and some others involved have been handed out long prison sentences, under the interim regime.
Action against alleged left-wing extremists has also been relentless, and it is difficult to differentiate between the previous BNP-led coalition, which targeted the ‘outlaws’ with a vengeance, and the present Interim Administration. The much disparaged fake encounter deaths targeting left-wing extremists continue. On July 11, human rights organisation, Odhikar, stated in a report that a person fell victim to extra-judicial killing in the country every 38 hours, while 1.1 persons have been arrested every minute, on the average, by law enforcement agencies since the declaration of the state of Emergency on January 11. The Institute for Conflict Management database indicates that, in 2007 (till July 25), 47 left-wing extremists were killed in the country, compared to only six Islamist militants. At the same time, no steps have been taken against the Harkat-ul Jehad-al Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B), which continues to be the vehicle of the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency’s anti-India operations, and that has carried out several terrorist strikes targeting Indian urban centres over the past over two years.
Little attention has been paid by the foreign powers, including India, to the developments in Bangladesh. The image of existing political parties has been sufficiently tarnished both domestically and internationally, and there are few voices in favour of their restoration to power. Unfortunately, the dangerous liaisons of the uniform and religious radicalism have been largely missed out, buried under the Interim Government’s rhetoric of reform and reconstruction. General Pervez Musharraf’s Pakistan is an ongoing reminder of the catastrophic consequences of such a nexus and its disastrous impact on democracy. Despite this, however, it appears, there are still many in Bangladesh who are willing to invest their faith in a radical-authoritarian regime under the pretext of curing the evident ‘ills of democracy’.
The Misrule of Law in Bangladesh
(Source: UPI Asia Online)
SYLHET, Jul. 30
RATER ZONAKI
Column: Humanity or humor?
Arresting and taking high-profile people to court has become a sensational issue in many countries of the world. In Bangladesh, it occurred recently for the second time when former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was arrested early in the morning of July 16 in a graft case. She was taken to the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's Court straight from her residence at 7:50 a.m., 70 minutes before the court normally begins its proceedings.
After two hours of deliberation, followed by legal arguments and protests by the person under arrest as well as her lawyers, the former premier was sent to jail as the magistrate rejected her bail petition. Now it has become a burning issue in the country.
Arresting high-profile and political people was a comical and farcical matter in Bangladesh in the past. The trial would not be fair, nor would there be any pretense of upholding the rule of law. Such trials were a mere political game.
In 1991, a military autocrat, Gen. Hussain Muhammad Ershad, who was toppled by the protests of the people, was arrested on corruption charges -- the first arrest of its kind. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party that formed the government after nine years of losing political power to the general did not waste any time putting Ershad in jail. He was later convicted on several charges of corruption and imprisoned by the courts following prosecution for his involvement in causing a huge loss to the nation through grabbing public properties and mishandling public funds.
The same hated man became very "respected" in 1996 when the Bangladesh Awami League, led by Sheikh Hasina, needed a few seats in Parliament to form a government and was seeking support from others. A quick and secret agreement soon changed the political map: the Jatiya Party, led by Ershad, supported the Awami League in Parliament, forming a majority and helping them return to power after two decades. A member of Ershad's party was included in the Cabinet as part of the agreement. Within a few months, Ershad was released from jail as the government instructed its attorneys not to be rude to the "powerhouse" of the ruling party.
The approach of the prosecution changed radically afterwards. Some of the cases in the lower courts that were under the direct control of the Home Ministry and the Law and Justice Ministry were terminated by the government; the trials in the appeal courts were either stayed or the punishment -- mostly imprisonment -- was reduced to a sentence that permitted Ershad to be freed from prison as he had already served this reduced sentence. These legal maneuvers transpired due to a preplanned weaker prosecution by the state.
Ironically, after five years, Ershad joined an alliance with his "enemy," the BNP. Both groups moved against the Awami League, although Ershad's Jatiya Party left the coalition after a while, which, of course, annoyed the BNP. Returning to power, the BNP restarted the prosecutions against Ershad again. The intention was to keep pressure on him so that he did not join the opposition that was desperately attempting to generate a movement against the ruling BNP.
As soon as Ershad agreed to bond with the ruling BNP, his "astute" decision began to benefit him. The attorneys were deliberately prosecuting him so poorly that the charges of corruption against Ershad were being dismissed by both the lower and higher courts. Suddenly, Ershad changed his mind again, a decision which was ultimately against the interests of the rulers and brought about a reverse of the process. At the end of all these machinations, the government did not recover its property and money nor did it uphold the rule of law through the inconsistent legal process it orchestrated.
Thus, the prosecution system of the country has become synonymous with persecution or the misrule of law in Bangladesh. Ruling politicians have always used the government-controlled prosecution and judiciary as tools to achieve their own aims instead of upholding the rule of law and protecting the life and property of the country's citizens.
The present military-backed interim government, which is superficially non-political at the moment, is gradually producing its own political offspring by intimidating those who are unwanted in their present political tents by threatening them with corruption cases. Like many other military governments in the world, Bangladesh's military rulers, upon taking power, began speaking like saints about fighting corruption, upholding the rule of law, ending exploitation, restoring people's faith in governmental institutions and reforming various sectors, including politics. The government has confidently asserted that it will implement all of these reforms by the end of 2008 with the help of the same actors, who have not shown any professional commitment in the past and have not yet begun to abide by the law.
Sheikh Hasina, one of the most influential people in Bangladesh, who was living, in essence, under house arrest since her return from abroad in May, was arrested on alleged extortion charges by the police and other security forces without any arrest warrant and was taken to the court earlier than the normal office hours -- actions that have triggered widespread criticism. She will be prosecuted soon -- it is believed to be the government's intention to ban her from the political arena forever. The nation, on one hand, is frightened to face the roaring reaction from the pro-Awami League professionals and supporters. On the other hand, everyone is worried about the fate of democracy in the country as well as the transparency of the prosecution process in Sheikh Hasina's case.
The practice of arresting people without a warrant is a heritage of the police. Neither the government nor its law enforcement agents care about the laws of the land. The people of Bangladesh have to respond to such abnormal practices because they suffer from this misrule of law, both personally and nationally, when they are forced to suffer these politician-made disasters. There is also a culture of little compassion in the country. Whenever a person or family becomes a victim of political or governmental atrocities, no one cares for them. The people of Bangladesh are not sure of the intention of the government; they do not know what will happen next. Will the military-backed government push the nation and its citizens into another disastrous period? Are recent developments a way to build a democracy?
------------------
Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender living in Sylhet in Bangladesh who has been working on human rights issues in the country for more than a decade and who was a journalist in Bangladesh in the 1990s.)
SYLHET, Jul. 30
RATER ZONAKI
Column: Humanity or humor?
Arresting and taking high-profile people to court has become a sensational issue in many countries of the world. In Bangladesh, it occurred recently for the second time when former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was arrested early in the morning of July 16 in a graft case. She was taken to the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's Court straight from her residence at 7:50 a.m., 70 minutes before the court normally begins its proceedings.
After two hours of deliberation, followed by legal arguments and protests by the person under arrest as well as her lawyers, the former premier was sent to jail as the magistrate rejected her bail petition. Now it has become a burning issue in the country.
Arresting high-profile and political people was a comical and farcical matter in Bangladesh in the past. The trial would not be fair, nor would there be any pretense of upholding the rule of law. Such trials were a mere political game.
In 1991, a military autocrat, Gen. Hussain Muhammad Ershad, who was toppled by the protests of the people, was arrested on corruption charges -- the first arrest of its kind. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party that formed the government after nine years of losing political power to the general did not waste any time putting Ershad in jail. He was later convicted on several charges of corruption and imprisoned by the courts following prosecution for his involvement in causing a huge loss to the nation through grabbing public properties and mishandling public funds.
The same hated man became very "respected" in 1996 when the Bangladesh Awami League, led by Sheikh Hasina, needed a few seats in Parliament to form a government and was seeking support from others. A quick and secret agreement soon changed the political map: the Jatiya Party, led by Ershad, supported the Awami League in Parliament, forming a majority and helping them return to power after two decades. A member of Ershad's party was included in the Cabinet as part of the agreement. Within a few months, Ershad was released from jail as the government instructed its attorneys not to be rude to the "powerhouse" of the ruling party.
The approach of the prosecution changed radically afterwards. Some of the cases in the lower courts that were under the direct control of the Home Ministry and the Law and Justice Ministry were terminated by the government; the trials in the appeal courts were either stayed or the punishment -- mostly imprisonment -- was reduced to a sentence that permitted Ershad to be freed from prison as he had already served this reduced sentence. These legal maneuvers transpired due to a preplanned weaker prosecution by the state.
Ironically, after five years, Ershad joined an alliance with his "enemy," the BNP. Both groups moved against the Awami League, although Ershad's Jatiya Party left the coalition after a while, which, of course, annoyed the BNP. Returning to power, the BNP restarted the prosecutions against Ershad again. The intention was to keep pressure on him so that he did not join the opposition that was desperately attempting to generate a movement against the ruling BNP.
As soon as Ershad agreed to bond with the ruling BNP, his "astute" decision began to benefit him. The attorneys were deliberately prosecuting him so poorly that the charges of corruption against Ershad were being dismissed by both the lower and higher courts. Suddenly, Ershad changed his mind again, a decision which was ultimately against the interests of the rulers and brought about a reverse of the process. At the end of all these machinations, the government did not recover its property and money nor did it uphold the rule of law through the inconsistent legal process it orchestrated.
Thus, the prosecution system of the country has become synonymous with persecution or the misrule of law in Bangladesh. Ruling politicians have always used the government-controlled prosecution and judiciary as tools to achieve their own aims instead of upholding the rule of law and protecting the life and property of the country's citizens.
The present military-backed interim government, which is superficially non-political at the moment, is gradually producing its own political offspring by intimidating those who are unwanted in their present political tents by threatening them with corruption cases. Like many other military governments in the world, Bangladesh's military rulers, upon taking power, began speaking like saints about fighting corruption, upholding the rule of law, ending exploitation, restoring people's faith in governmental institutions and reforming various sectors, including politics. The government has confidently asserted that it will implement all of these reforms by the end of 2008 with the help of the same actors, who have not shown any professional commitment in the past and have not yet begun to abide by the law.
Sheikh Hasina, one of the most influential people in Bangladesh, who was living, in essence, under house arrest since her return from abroad in May, was arrested on alleged extortion charges by the police and other security forces without any arrest warrant and was taken to the court earlier than the normal office hours -- actions that have triggered widespread criticism. She will be prosecuted soon -- it is believed to be the government's intention to ban her from the political arena forever. The nation, on one hand, is frightened to face the roaring reaction from the pro-Awami League professionals and supporters. On the other hand, everyone is worried about the fate of democracy in the country as well as the transparency of the prosecution process in Sheikh Hasina's case.
The practice of arresting people without a warrant is a heritage of the police. Neither the government nor its law enforcement agents care about the laws of the land. The people of Bangladesh have to respond to such abnormal practices because they suffer from this misrule of law, both personally and nationally, when they are forced to suffer these politician-made disasters. There is also a culture of little compassion in the country. Whenever a person or family becomes a victim of political or governmental atrocities, no one cares for them. The people of Bangladesh are not sure of the intention of the government; they do not know what will happen next. Will the military-backed government push the nation and its citizens into another disastrous period? Are recent developments a way to build a democracy?
------------------
Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender living in Sylhet in Bangladesh who has been working on human rights issues in the country for more than a decade and who was a journalist in Bangladesh in the 1990s.)
Hasina gets bail, freedom far off
Breaking News: BDNews24
The High Court Monday granted bail to Sheikh Hasina in an extortion case. But the chance for the detained former prime minister to get freedom from jail anytime soon is slim as the police Sunday showed her arrested in another extortion case. The High Court asked the government to take the extortion case off the reach of emergency powers rules. The court also asked the government to explain in two weeks why the inclusion of the case in the emergency powers rules would not be declared illegal. In instant reaction, Hasina's chief counsel barrister Rafique-ul-Huq told reporters: "Sheikh Hasina got justice. She will get justice in future too." The army-backed emergency government Sunday moved to scuttle the chance for Hasina to find a legal way out of prison, by showing her arrested in a case filed by businessman Noor Ali. Hasina's lawyers had earlier argued the emergency powers rules cannot cover the alleged incident that had taken place before the state of emergency was imposed in January. Updates with more details
For more, visit http://media.bdnews24.com
The High Court Monday granted bail to Sheikh Hasina in an extortion case. But the chance for the detained former prime minister to get freedom from jail anytime soon is slim as the police Sunday showed her arrested in another extortion case. The High Court asked the government to take the extortion case off the reach of emergency powers rules. The court also asked the government to explain in two weeks why the inclusion of the case in the emergency powers rules would not be declared illegal. In instant reaction, Hasina's chief counsel barrister Rafique-ul-Huq told reporters: "Sheikh Hasina got justice. She will get justice in future too." The army-backed emergency government Sunday moved to scuttle the chance for Hasina to find a legal way out of prison, by showing her arrested in a case filed by businessman Noor Ali. Hasina's lawyers had earlier argued the emergency powers rules cannot cover the alleged incident that had taken place before the state of emergency was imposed in January. Updates with more details
For more, visit http://media.bdnews24.com
জামাত নেতা নিজামীর একটি প্লট:
কেঁচো খুড়তে গিয়ে অনেক সময় সাপ বেরিয়ে আসে। জামাতের নেতা নিজামী বিশেষ বরাদ্দে রাজউকের প্লট পেয়েছেন। আজ ৩০শে জুলাইয়ের প্রথম আলোতে খবরটা অনেকের কাছে চমক দিলেও আমি একটুও অবাক হইনি। ধর্ম ব্যবসায়ী দলের প্রধান জামাত নেতা মতিউর রহমান নিজামীর একটা প্লটের খবর অতি সামান্য ব্যাপার। যে দেশে হাজার হাজার কোটি টাকার দুর্নীতির বাণিজ্য চলেছে তাতে ৫ কাঠার বনানীর প্লট নস্যি মাত্র। নিজামী-মুজাহিদ ইনক্ জামাতের লেবাসে সমাজ কল্যাণ আর শিল্প মন্ত্রণালয়ে যে অশুভ জামাতী প্রভাব প্রতিপত্তির চিরস্থায়ী বন্দোবস্ত করে গেছে তার হিসেব কষবে কে? তেজগাঁও শিল্প এলাকার কোটি কোটি টাকার মূল্যের জমি নাম মাত্র মূল্যে তিনি দান করেছেন সেই ঘটনা এখন কি আর কারও মনে আছে? শিল্প মন্ত্রীর ভাগ্নে মামার সুপারিশ কব্জা করে লোহা লক্কর ব্যবাসায়ী মিজানুর রহমানের ২৫ লাখ টাকা লোপাট করে দিয়েছে সেই খবর ক'জনে মনে রাখবে। বরং সদাশয় সরকার একজন রাজাকার ঘাতক নিজামীর জন্য সহানুভূতির বন্যা বইয়ে দিবে। নিজামীর কুকর্মের শ্বেত পত্র কেউ দেখবে না, দুদকেও কোন মামলা উঠবে না। এভাবেই পার পেয়ে গেছে যুদ্ধাপরাধী ঘাতকের দল। সামনের দিকেও পার পেয়ে যাবে।
গত ৪০ বছরে নিজামী কোন বাড়ীর মালিক হতে পারেননি বলে বিএনপির বদান্যতায় নিজামী প্লট পেয়েছেন। সেখানে এই দুর্মূল্যের বাজারে ছ'তলা বাড়ী উঠছে। প্রতি শুক্রবার তার স্ত্রী আর ছেলে গিয়ে দেখভাল করে আসেন। এখন রাজউক দাবী করছে, "তারা কিছু জানে না"। কারণ, তাদের দাবী, কুকর্মটি করেছে মন্ত্রণালয়। তবে এই নজরানার কারণ হিসেবে কাগজপত্রে বলা হয়েছে, "রাস্ট্রীয় গুরুত্বপূর্ণ কাজে অবদানের জন্য নিজামীকে এই প্লট দেওয়া হলো"। সরকারের কর্তাব্যক্তিরা চোখের মাথা খেয়ে চেয়ারে বসেন। উপদেস্টা ব্যরিস্টার মঈনুল হোসেন স্মরণ করতে পারেন না, ঘাতক মুজাহিদ কে? উপদেস্টা জেনারেল মতিন ভাবতেই পারেন না, "জামাতীরা কোন দূর্নীতির সাথে জড়িত থাকতে পারে"। এভাবেই এক মঈনুল আর এক মতিনের সাফাই সাক্ষীতে কি লাখো শহীদের রক্ত রঞ্জিত নিজামী মুজাহিদরা কি রেহাই পাবে ইতিহাসের নিষ্ঠুর কাঠগড়া থেকে?
হয়তো একজন ইমরান ফারুকের লেখায় উঠে আসবে দশ ট্রাক অস্ত্র পাচারের নেপথ্য নায়ক তদানীন্তন শিল্প মন্ত্রী নিজামীর কথা। মুক্তিযুদ্ধের চেতনার কথা বলে জাতীয় সেনশেসন তৈরী করা অনেক সহজ যখন জামাতী আমলনামা আমরা ভুলে যাই। হয়তো একজন সাজ্জাদ জহির যখন ইতিহাস ঘেঁটে জামাতীদের সাথে সামরিক বাহিনীর সংযোগের বিপজ্জনক সূত্র চোখের সামনে তুলে ধরেন তখনও কি আমরা নির্বিকার হয়ে বসে থাকতে পারি? নস্টদের হাতে সবকিছু চলে যাবে এই অপ্রিয় সত্যের মুখোমুখি না হয়ে তাকে প্রতিরোধ করার জন্য এই অভাগা জাতি আবারও গর্জে উঠবে এই প্রত্যাশা কি খুব বেশী?
Army calling the shots in Bangladesh
(Read this article from Asian Tribune published on July 24, 2007)
By Atul – Rama - Syndicate Features
The men in uniform when in power either directly or through a proxy generally do not like to retreat to their barracks in a haste; especially when they begin with the promise of going back to their garrisons at the earliest opportunity. Bangladesh, quite familiar with military dictatorships, may well be on way to having another long stint of military rule, this time by proxy though.
Sure, the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) of the country has announced a ‘roadmap’ for the polls according to which the general elections will be held by the end of 2008. The polls were earlier put off because a lot of spadework for that exercise like revising the voters’ list was not carried out properly and has come under attack from the Awami League led alliance. It may not be difficult to discover a few months from now that the task will require more time than was anticipated by the Election Commission (EC).
Doubts about the polls have been reinforced with the arrest of the Awami League chief, Sheikh Hasina, following a two-hour pre-dawn raid on her residence on July 16. The same day a court asked her rival, Begum Khaleda Zia, to appear before it on August 26 to answer charges of tax evasion. Khaleda’s son Tariq Rehman, apparently heir to her (and her late husband’s) political legacy, is already in jail and his mother joining him soon cannot be ruled out more so after Sheikh Hasina’s arrest. The present rulers in Dhaka can then claim that they have treated the two principal political figures of the country equally.
The military-backed government may want to show that it is not biased in favour of any of the two Begums when earlier this summer it had tried, unsuccessfully, to keep first Khaleda Zia and then Sheikh Hasina out of the country. A ‘deal’ was almost struck with Khaleda Zia for an extended exile in Saudi Arabia, a la Pakistan’s Nawaz Sharif. But she backed off at the last minute though some reports said that Riyadh was not too keen to host the Begum. And Sheikh Hasina was prevented on request from the Bangladesh government from boarding a British Airways plane at London for her return journey to Dhaka after she had visited her daughter in the US. A loud outcry came to her rescue and she was later allowed to return home.
The authorities still managed to achieve what they had in mind. Restrictions were placed on her movements and the visitors who wanted to call on her. Ditto for Khaleda Zia. This despite the fact that the state of emergency in Bangladesh had already curtailed political activity and not even ‘indoor politics’ is allowed.
It is rare for incarcerated politicians to be released from prison pretty soon when the purpose in sending them behind bars is to keep them out of politics. The intention of the military-backed interim government of Fakhruddin Ahmed, expressed through words and gestures in the last six months, has been to keep the ‘Battling Begums’ of Bangladesh out of politics on the ground that their endless quarrels had brought the nation to a virtual halt.
It is not without significance that lately reports have been circulating that a ‘revolt’ against the leadership has been brewing in both the Awami League and the BNP. The BNP rebels were actually planning a parallel meeting of their national council meeting. The ‘revolt’ was said to have drawn its support from the disenchantment among public with the politics of confrontation and hate that the two Begums have been playing for long.
The two Begums have been accused of gross misrule during the 1991-2006 periods, when they had shared power alternatively. It was a period marked by widespread corruption, frequent nation-wide strikes and violence. And in the case of the Bangladesh National Party rule the country also took a sharp turn towards religious extremism even as it battled with an almost daily shutdowns called by the Awami League.
The misrule and the chaos brought by Hasina and Khaleda were bound to worry the ordinary people. This was the reason why from the proletariat to the elite people from all walks of life were actually quite relieved when the interim government had taken over in January even when everyone knew that the real power would rest with the military. The military-backed government, if nothing else, was lesser of the two evils.
But the honeymoon appears to be ending sooner than was expected in seven months back. A feeling is growing that the military-backed government has been trampling some of the basic civil rights while the generals have launched a drive to vilify the entire class of politicians that will make the task of putting democracy back on rails difficult. The military’s crusade against ‘corruption’ would have been more universally welcomed had it also tried to clean up in-house corruption.
The gag on politics rules out anyone raising voice against the military. It is said sometimes that the generals in Bangladesh will not want to perpetuate their rule as it might deprive Bangladesh the handsome earnings from its contribution to the UN peacekeeping troops. But that does not seem like a major hindrance when one of the messages being sent out by the generals is that Bangladesh politics is going to see some ‘fundamental changes’ and those politicians who are not ready for it will have to look for some other avocation.
The army chief, Lt Gen Moin U Ahmed, had famously said some weeks ago that Bangladesh has to ‘build its own brand of democracy.’ This could have passed as a harmless remark from a military man not familiar with politics had it not come along with his equally famous quote that he knew ‘more about democracy than the politicians.’ And had the remark not coincided with the efforts to break AL and BNP to create a loyal party like Gen Musharraf did in Pakistan shortly after he dethroned Nawaz Sharif government. And one of the proposals for revamping the system that have been tossed up envisages creation of National Security Council, a concept Musharraf had borrowed from Turkey and implemented in Pakistan. Also like Musharraf’s army, Moin’s army is also into a wide range of business interests that range from real estate to banking services. The Army owned Bank is in fact a big player with branches all across the country.
It cannot be denied that the ‘Battling Begums’ harmed their country with their uncompromising hostility towards each other. But shutting them out completely may mean that the military may actually be looking for pliable leaders who would ensure that the real power rests with the men in uniform. In Pakistan the military has a permanent vice-like grip over the country and no civilian government can survive or do anything without the military’s approval. Bangladesh has had its spells of direct military rule in the 1970s and 1980s but after that the politicians had recovered their grip over power.
Is Bangladesh going to the days of military rule? The military in Bangladesh is in favour of setting up an all-powerful national security council. It will be super body dominated by the military and intelligence elements that will veto the decisions taken by any elected civilian government. In that sense the former East Pakistan (Bangladesh) will not be very different from Pakistan.
- Syndicate Features -
Sunday, July 29, 2007
Hasina Challenges Extortion Case
Breaking News from BDnews24.
Detained Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina Sunday challenged in the High Court the government's decision to take an extortion case against her under the cover of emergency powers rules. Hasina's attorney barrister Rafique-ul Huq filed a writ appeal with the High Court bench of Justice Shah Abu Nayeem Muminur Rahman and Justice Jubaer Rahman Chowdhury at 1pm. The court will hear the appeal Monday. "I took permission from the court in the morning to file the writ petition," the lawyer told bdnews24.com. Hasina's lawyers said the emergency powers rules cannot cover the alleged incident that had taken place before the state of emergency was clamped. According to the writ petition, inclusion of the extortion case against Hasina in the emergency powers rules was illegal. "She (Hasina) has been named in the FIR with some malafide motive...to harass and humiliate her," the petition alleged. "The case was approved under the emergency powers rules," the petition said, adding it was an "illegal approval". The approval has been given "arbitrarily and without lawful authority", it said. Updates with more details
For more, visit http://media.bdnews24.com
Detained Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina Sunday challenged in the High Court the government's decision to take an extortion case against her under the cover of emergency powers rules. Hasina's attorney barrister Rafique-ul Huq filed a writ appeal with the High Court bench of Justice Shah Abu Nayeem Muminur Rahman and Justice Jubaer Rahman Chowdhury at 1pm. The court will hear the appeal Monday. "I took permission from the court in the morning to file the writ petition," the lawyer told bdnews24.com. Hasina's lawyers said the emergency powers rules cannot cover the alleged incident that had taken place before the state of emergency was clamped. According to the writ petition, inclusion of the extortion case against Hasina in the emergency powers rules was illegal. "She (Hasina) has been named in the FIR with some malafide motive...to harass and humiliate her," the petition alleged. "The case was approved under the emergency powers rules," the petition said, adding it was an "illegal approval". The approval has been given "arbitrarily and without lawful authority", it said. Updates with more details
For more, visit http://media.bdnews24.com
Saturday, July 28, 2007
Open Letter to Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed
(Source: News from Bangladesh)
To : Honorable Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed Chief Advisor, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh
Signatories listed below
When the military-backed interim government under your leadership foiled the likely ‘doctored election’ of January 22 and saved the nation from disgrace and you promised to hold a 'free, fair, non-violent and credible election soon', we, the Bangladeshi academics living in North America applauded your new government. We also applauded when you successfully implemented many of the demands of the people; political parties and civil societies in the area of Election Commission, Voter list, Public Service Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission and especially applauded it when your government started jihad against corruption and misuse of powers.
Unfortunately, your much heralded jihad against corruption now appears to be heading towards wrong direction as it is now being used as a tool to weaken political parties and political leadership aiming at destroying multi-party democracy in Bangladesh. We believe such derailment would be bad for the country.
Secondly, the government appears to be manipulating corruption cases through intimidations and by other unethical means, and thus making such essential and much desired anti-corruption jihad controversial. We are afraid, if corruption cases are not objective and if they do not follow laws, rules, due process, procedures, transparency and ethics and if such are politically motivated to harass and disgrace targeted politicians, then such golden opportunity to eradicate or reduce corruption will be lost. Already people are losing confidence with few verdicts as they did not follow due process nor followed laws of the country. Pertinent questions are being raised on the concocted evidence obtained through intimidations, torture and bribes. Collection of evidence through torture and bribe would be a travesty of justice and fairness as such is itself another form of corruption.
Your Excellency:
We want your government to succeed in holding a free, fair, non-violent and credible election. If your government fails, the country will have political vacuum and instability leading to anarchy and militancy. Already the growth of terrorism in South Asia since 9/11 is the 2nd highest in the world only exceeded by the Middle East region.
Recently former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the largest and oldest political party of Bangladesh, the Awami League has been arrested in a dramatic way; over 1,000 forces used extra-ordinary physical force in the wee hours to break her bones. They manhandled her and thus disgraced the nation both home and abroad. The government did not follow due process of law in arresting her nor did it follow the minimum decency and professionalism that is so dear to civilized world and also to you. We condemn such manhandling, indecency, and ill treatment. We demand an apology and punishment of those that disgraced the nation in handling the arrest.
The circumstances leading to her arrest is questionable. Initially the government banned her return home. When such effort was foiled, they lodged an extortion case against her through intimidations (couple of questionable businessmen were taken into custody and under pressure, torture and threat of extra-judicial killing, they submitted extortion cases against Sheikh Hasina). They also lured other political leaders to drop her from party leadership through a ‘reform drama’. She had been arrested without any warrant as she was critical of some aspects of your government that is practicing double standards. Her extortion case appears to be ‘concocted and politically motivated’.
We therefore request you to release her immediately first to face the cases, and secondly as such politically motivated arrest would destroy democracy and stability in the country. Such concocted cases would destroy nation’s confidence on your government and in the process it will fail to deliver ‘a free, fair and credible election’ in near future. We also demand your government to follow rule of law, transparency, due process, not vengeance and extra judicial killing. Already Bangladesh has attained disgrace of the free world as it topped in ‘extra judicial killing’ and ‘state terrorism’. Unless rule of law is followed, such case would be a mockery of justice system and will lead the nation to further disgrace and isolation.
We also like to draw your attention to another unethical strategy adopted by your non-partisan government to render the established political parties and their leaders unpopular and dysfunctional is a travesty of the system of the rule of law. They are circulating concocted stories of corruption and extortion ascribing them to so-called confessional statements made by many, among them a number of their brokers or people under pressure many of whom said to be medicated or/and hypnotized. It is ethically wrong and disallowed by the judicial process to disclose confessional statements before they are formally aired in courts and it is universally wrong to carry out character assassination in the media. But this is what is being done in Bangladesh now and selected journalists are performing at the bidding of the powers to do media trial of important persons – mostly politicians - not officially or directly accused of. This is a very unpleasant development for healthy political development in the country and may perpetrate the rule of jungle that is attempted to be reined in.
Dear Dr. Ahmed:
We know you as a man of integrity and we have confidence and trust in many of your fellow Cabinet members as well. You saved the nation at a time when it was heading towards disasters due to ill governance, greed and polarization. People sacrificed for the last many years especially last 5 years and they look forward to a better future. However, if you make your administration unnecessarily controversial through falsity and prejudice your exit would be uncertain and difficult. We applauded many of your efforts and we hope that you will not entertain vengeance and unethical intimidations in discharging your responsibilities. If vengeance, evil motive and unethical intimidations and practices that are common with totalitarian governments supercede that of ethics, morality and rule of law and if such is imposed on you, in that case, you should resign forthwith. Remember, all good that ends well. Therefore do not lose your focus to a ‘hold a free, fair, non-violent and more importantly, a credible election’. Please do not lead the nation to a totalitarian, undemocratic administration that is characteristics of Muslim majority nations where poverty, lack of innovation, hopelessness, terrorism and backwardness are commonly prevalent.
It is true that time and again Bangladesh got ample opportunities to improve its situation but unfortunately, in each time, such opportunities are lost owing to greed, self interest, misuses of powers, individual ego and more importantly, absence of focus and absence of moral and ethical sense of values, responsibility and sensitivity. We have higher expectation of you and your cabinet. You may like to review and reflect your policies. Let us hope that your cabinet will not disappoint the nation nor would guillotine the hopes of a better Bangladesh.
----------------
Signatories:
Dr. Abdul Momen, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Hasan Mamun, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Shahab Siddiqui, Florida, USA
Dr. Nurun Nabi, New Jersey, USA
Dr. Naheed Banu, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. ABM Nasir, North Carolina, USA
Dr. Syed Abul Hasnath, Massachusetts, USA
Dr Akram Bhuiya, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Esmet Hakim, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Nurul Aman, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Jalal Alamgir, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Nazrul Islam, New York, USA
Dr. Prodip Kumar Roy, New York, USA
Dr. Badrul Huq, Connecticut, USA
Dr. Abu Abdullah, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Abdul Hakim, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Mosleuddin Ahmed, New Jersey, USA
Dr. Hasan Murshed, New York, USA
Dr. Khasruzzaman Chowdhury, Louisiana, USA
Dr. M. Mohsin Ali, New York, USA
Dr. Muzzamil Hossain, Toronto, Canada
Dr. Naser Ahmed, Florida, USA
Dr. Sudhamoy Bhattacharjee, Georgia, USA
Dr. Bimol Kanti Paul, Kansas, USA
Dr. Binoy Paul, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed, Pennsylvania, USA
---------------------------------------
Contact E mail : sylhet@verizon.net
To : Honorable Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed Chief Advisor, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh
Signatories listed below
When the military-backed interim government under your leadership foiled the likely ‘doctored election’ of January 22 and saved the nation from disgrace and you promised to hold a 'free, fair, non-violent and credible election soon', we, the Bangladeshi academics living in North America applauded your new government. We also applauded when you successfully implemented many of the demands of the people; political parties and civil societies in the area of Election Commission, Voter list, Public Service Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission and especially applauded it when your government started jihad against corruption and misuse of powers.
Unfortunately, your much heralded jihad against corruption now appears to be heading towards wrong direction as it is now being used as a tool to weaken political parties and political leadership aiming at destroying multi-party democracy in Bangladesh. We believe such derailment would be bad for the country.
Secondly, the government appears to be manipulating corruption cases through intimidations and by other unethical means, and thus making such essential and much desired anti-corruption jihad controversial. We are afraid, if corruption cases are not objective and if they do not follow laws, rules, due process, procedures, transparency and ethics and if such are politically motivated to harass and disgrace targeted politicians, then such golden opportunity to eradicate or reduce corruption will be lost. Already people are losing confidence with few verdicts as they did not follow due process nor followed laws of the country. Pertinent questions are being raised on the concocted evidence obtained through intimidations, torture and bribes. Collection of evidence through torture and bribe would be a travesty of justice and fairness as such is itself another form of corruption.
Your Excellency:
We want your government to succeed in holding a free, fair, non-violent and credible election. If your government fails, the country will have political vacuum and instability leading to anarchy and militancy. Already the growth of terrorism in South Asia since 9/11 is the 2nd highest in the world only exceeded by the Middle East region.
Recently former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the largest and oldest political party of Bangladesh, the Awami League has been arrested in a dramatic way; over 1,000 forces used extra-ordinary physical force in the wee hours to break her bones. They manhandled her and thus disgraced the nation both home and abroad. The government did not follow due process of law in arresting her nor did it follow the minimum decency and professionalism that is so dear to civilized world and also to you. We condemn such manhandling, indecency, and ill treatment. We demand an apology and punishment of those that disgraced the nation in handling the arrest.
The circumstances leading to her arrest is questionable. Initially the government banned her return home. When such effort was foiled, they lodged an extortion case against her through intimidations (couple of questionable businessmen were taken into custody and under pressure, torture and threat of extra-judicial killing, they submitted extortion cases against Sheikh Hasina). They also lured other political leaders to drop her from party leadership through a ‘reform drama’. She had been arrested without any warrant as she was critical of some aspects of your government that is practicing double standards. Her extortion case appears to be ‘concocted and politically motivated’.
We therefore request you to release her immediately first to face the cases, and secondly as such politically motivated arrest would destroy democracy and stability in the country. Such concocted cases would destroy nation’s confidence on your government and in the process it will fail to deliver ‘a free, fair and credible election’ in near future. We also demand your government to follow rule of law, transparency, due process, not vengeance and extra judicial killing. Already Bangladesh has attained disgrace of the free world as it topped in ‘extra judicial killing’ and ‘state terrorism’. Unless rule of law is followed, such case would be a mockery of justice system and will lead the nation to further disgrace and isolation.
We also like to draw your attention to another unethical strategy adopted by your non-partisan government to render the established political parties and their leaders unpopular and dysfunctional is a travesty of the system of the rule of law. They are circulating concocted stories of corruption and extortion ascribing them to so-called confessional statements made by many, among them a number of their brokers or people under pressure many of whom said to be medicated or/and hypnotized. It is ethically wrong and disallowed by the judicial process to disclose confessional statements before they are formally aired in courts and it is universally wrong to carry out character assassination in the media. But this is what is being done in Bangladesh now and selected journalists are performing at the bidding of the powers to do media trial of important persons – mostly politicians - not officially or directly accused of. This is a very unpleasant development for healthy political development in the country and may perpetrate the rule of jungle that is attempted to be reined in.
Dear Dr. Ahmed:
We know you as a man of integrity and we have confidence and trust in many of your fellow Cabinet members as well. You saved the nation at a time when it was heading towards disasters due to ill governance, greed and polarization. People sacrificed for the last many years especially last 5 years and they look forward to a better future. However, if you make your administration unnecessarily controversial through falsity and prejudice your exit would be uncertain and difficult. We applauded many of your efforts and we hope that you will not entertain vengeance and unethical intimidations in discharging your responsibilities. If vengeance, evil motive and unethical intimidations and practices that are common with totalitarian governments supercede that of ethics, morality and rule of law and if such is imposed on you, in that case, you should resign forthwith. Remember, all good that ends well. Therefore do not lose your focus to a ‘hold a free, fair, non-violent and more importantly, a credible election’. Please do not lead the nation to a totalitarian, undemocratic administration that is characteristics of Muslim majority nations where poverty, lack of innovation, hopelessness, terrorism and backwardness are commonly prevalent.
It is true that time and again Bangladesh got ample opportunities to improve its situation but unfortunately, in each time, such opportunities are lost owing to greed, self interest, misuses of powers, individual ego and more importantly, absence of focus and absence of moral and ethical sense of values, responsibility and sensitivity. We have higher expectation of you and your cabinet. You may like to review and reflect your policies. Let us hope that your cabinet will not disappoint the nation nor would guillotine the hopes of a better Bangladesh.
----------------
Signatories:
Dr. Abdul Momen, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Hasan Mamun, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Shahab Siddiqui, Florida, USA
Dr. Nurun Nabi, New Jersey, USA
Dr. Naheed Banu, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. ABM Nasir, North Carolina, USA
Dr. Syed Abul Hasnath, Massachusetts, USA
Dr Akram Bhuiya, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Esmet Hakim, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Nurul Aman, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Jalal Alamgir, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Nazrul Islam, New York, USA
Dr. Prodip Kumar Roy, New York, USA
Dr. Badrul Huq, Connecticut, USA
Dr. Abu Abdullah, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Abdul Hakim, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Mosleuddin Ahmed, New Jersey, USA
Dr. Hasan Murshed, New York, USA
Dr. Khasruzzaman Chowdhury, Louisiana, USA
Dr. M. Mohsin Ali, New York, USA
Dr. Muzzamil Hossain, Toronto, Canada
Dr. Naser Ahmed, Florida, USA
Dr. Sudhamoy Bhattacharjee, Georgia, USA
Dr. Bimol Kanti Paul, Kansas, USA
Dr. Binoy Paul, Massachusetts, USA
Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed, Pennsylvania, USA
---------------------------------------
Contact E mail : sylhet@verizon.net
Friday, July 27, 2007
The Bangladeshi Nonchalant Generals
The Bangladeshi Nonchalant Generals and their Deathly Gallows.By Sajjad Jahir
Only a little more than two years ago, on the 15th of June 2005 to be precise, General Moeen U. Ahmed became the Bangladesh Chief of Army Staff. Who knew then this general was waiting in the wings to become an ambitious power monger? Who could visualize then he would follow the same path of his guru Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan, who successfully cut the two non-theocratic parties to sizes thus empowering the mulladom? What a historical parallel is being unfolded in Bangladesh by the Pakistani army brass's Bangladeshi junior partners! Without Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif their political parties are nothing short of a boat without a captain. General Moeen knew that at this juncture Hasina less Awami League would be an impotent entity. Similarly a cornered Khaleda Zia will result in simple disintegration of the party.
General Moeen had the audacity to scold whole Bangladehi nation for not paying enough "respect" to the founding father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He was pointing fingers to the civilian segment of the society. He conveniently forgot that it was the Bangladeshi military that brutally killed Sheikh Mujib, his close relatives, which includes pregnant women and children. The General did not bother to recollect that it was two vile generals, namely, Ziaur Rahman and H.M. Ershad, who very systematically followed a master plan to erase the memory of Sheikh Mujib from the collective psyche of the Bangladeshi people.
General Moeen U. Ahmed blamed the civilian politicians for all the wrong doings that occurred during the last few decades of Bangladesh's existence. His selective memory failed to accommodate one important piece of information. That is, out of the last 36 years since Bangladesh's emergence as a sovereign country, close to 27 years the nation was ruled by Bangladesh army either directly or indirectly. The General can not deny that the outcome of the October 2001 general election brought enough joy to many of the powerful army brass in the Cantonment. Will it be too much of a speculation if someone says, the BNP victory was many generals' wishful thinking?
It is sad to see General Moeen U. Ahmed is showing enough signs of lack of integrity in his public persona. Never had he attempted any degree of self-criticism. May be, self-criticism is not in their lexicon. While he was constantly finger pointing to the corruption epidemic in political circle, never for a single moment he ever uttered any word indicating corruption within the army barracks. It is an open secret, like any social ill, corruption does exist in cantonment in a big way. It is conceivable that many big cheeses in the retired army community became tycoons overnight through illegitimate means. Like any "money grabbing" agency in Bangladesh, Defense Purchasing is an area where corruption has been quite rampant. Can General Moeen deny that?
The military backed current Bangladesh caretaker government's recent drama of prosecuting Sheikh Hasina is the last straw that broke the camel's back. It was an open secret that General Ershad is one of the most corrupt rulers of the country. He remained untouchable to this day. Ironically, a few days before the so-called historical 1/11, this general was indicted by the former regime. Strangely enough, today he remains a free man.
When mullah and military commingle, they make a deadly cocktail. Pakistan is a good example. Ziaul Huq made the country a precursor of a Talibanistic nation. In Bangladesh 's case, Ziaur Rahman and H.M. Ershad started the process of Islamization of once secular nationalist country. When ex-DGFI Chief General Matin says he does not have clue if Jamaatis were corrupt, it gives us enough headache.
The Generals are leading the nation to a deathly gallows, it seems.
Jamaat's Involvement in Arms Dealing
Written by: Imran Faruk
Long ago, there was a Bengali movie গোলাপী এখন ট্রেনে (Golapi is now in train). There was a popular song in that movie, "হায়রে কপাল মন্দ, চোখ থাকিতে অন্ধ"[translation: what an illfate someone has -- can not see even with good eyes] This seems to be most appropriate with comments made by the Communications Advisor to the current Caretaker Government of Bangladesh Major General (retired) M.A. Matin regarding not seeing corruption by senior Jamaat leaders.
With all due respect, if we may point out one incident. Ten trucks of arms and ammunitions including grenades and AK 47s were seized in Chittagong during BNP-Jamat tenure. Those arms were unloaded in a very secured government dockyard under Minister Motiur Rahman Nizami. No one can use that dockyard without permission of the concerned ministry and at that time Motiur Rahman Nizami headed the ministry.
It was alleged in many newspapers that Salah Uddin Quader Chowdhury's ship seen anchored in deep sea carried those smuggled arms from Pakistan and was unloaded at Nizami's dockyrad. It was further reported that those were carried from Pakistan and was heading for use of ULFA rebels against India. The Indian intelligence agency RAW officially informd Bangladesh Government about it and they had to capture it. Mysteriously, no big shot was charged and Nizami was not even interrogated.
This incident may be very simple and harmless to General Matin but people do not agree. How come neither Nizami nor anyone from his ministry was not even interrogated? The majority people of Bangladesh may be poor but not dumb.
Long ago, there was a Bengali movie গোলাপী এখন ট্রেনে (Golapi is now in train). There was a popular song in that movie, "হায়রে কপাল মন্দ, চোখ থাকিতে অন্ধ"[translation: what an illfate someone has -- can not see even with good eyes] This seems to be most appropriate with comments made by the Communications Advisor to the current Caretaker Government of Bangladesh Major General (retired) M.A. Matin regarding not seeing corruption by senior Jamaat leaders.
With all due respect, if we may point out one incident. Ten trucks of arms and ammunitions including grenades and AK 47s were seized in Chittagong during BNP-Jamat tenure. Those arms were unloaded in a very secured government dockyard under Minister Motiur Rahman Nizami. No one can use that dockyard without permission of the concerned ministry and at that time Motiur Rahman Nizami headed the ministry.
It was alleged in many newspapers that Salah Uddin Quader Chowdhury's ship seen anchored in deep sea carried those smuggled arms from Pakistan and was unloaded at Nizami's dockyrad. It was further reported that those were carried from Pakistan and was heading for use of ULFA rebels against India. The Indian intelligence agency RAW officially informd Bangladesh Government about it and they had to capture it. Mysteriously, no big shot was charged and Nizami was not even interrogated.
This incident may be very simple and harmless to General Matin but people do not agree. How come neither Nizami nor anyone from his ministry was not even interrogated? The majority people of Bangladesh may be poor but not dumb.
Terrorist Patron got 31 Years in Bangladesh
Yes, finally BNP-Jamaat led four Party Aliiance Minister Barrister Aminul Haque got verdict. He is sentenced to 31 year jail in abstentia. Is this enough? Have you forgotten what happened in the last five years in Bangladesh. Have you forgotten the nationwide bombing in Bangladesh? Fundamentalist Jamaat and their Islamist friends have receieved huge patronage that promoted notorious JMB's terrorist activities in Bangladesh. Yes, Jamaat is left untouched as the current military government does not want to rock the islamic group as they may balance the power in the upcoming election. Listen news coverage from BBC:
Read Daily Star's report (July 27, 2007)as the Judge explained: JUDGE'S EXPLANATION FOR THE VERDICT
Briefing the court before announcing the verdict, Judge Rezaul said it is well known that Bagmara was the centre of JMB's rise and there was a torture camp at the Hamirkutsa house of accused Korban Ali's father Ramjan Kaya who is widely known as a Razakar (collaborator of the Pakistan armed forces) during the Liberation War of 1971.
"Incidents of lynching people were almost open and common during the tenure of the previous [BNP-led four-party] alliance government and through such incidents the JMB militants not only took the law in their hands, but they expressed their no-confidence on the law of the land," the judge said.
"What the JMB militants had done in the areas on the plea of cleansing Sarbahara communist outlaws were no different from the deeds of these outlaws," he added.
About former minister Aminul and BNP leader Shish, the judge said the accused persons were influential in their areas and the militants continued their brutalities following direct and indirect patronisation of these two persons.
Referring to several verses of the holy Quran and Hadith, the judge said Islam is a moderate religion and it does not support any such torture and force on people to abide by the religion.
Executed JMB operations commander Siddiqul Islam Bangla Bhai had said in his statement that Shish Muhammad used to visit him and executed JMB chief Abdur Rahman in Bagmara during their "anti-outlaw" operations.
Bangla Bhai and his men also visited Shish Muhammad's houses at Tanore in Godagari upazila and Upashahar Housing Estate in Rajshahi city and Shish, also chairman of Mundumala municipality, gave the militants money, the statement said".
Yes, Barrister Aminul Haque is absconded. He may be watching his verdict from his hideout.
|
Read Daily Star's report (July 27, 2007)as the Judge explained: JUDGE'S EXPLANATION FOR THE VERDICT
Briefing the court before announcing the verdict, Judge Rezaul said it is well known that Bagmara was the centre of JMB's rise and there was a torture camp at the Hamirkutsa house of accused Korban Ali's father Ramjan Kaya who is widely known as a Razakar (collaborator of the Pakistan armed forces) during the Liberation War of 1971.
"Incidents of lynching people were almost open and common during the tenure of the previous [BNP-led four-party] alliance government and through such incidents the JMB militants not only took the law in their hands, but they expressed their no-confidence on the law of the land," the judge said.
"What the JMB militants had done in the areas on the plea of cleansing Sarbahara communist outlaws were no different from the deeds of these outlaws," he added.
About former minister Aminul and BNP leader Shish, the judge said the accused persons were influential in their areas and the militants continued their brutalities following direct and indirect patronisation of these two persons.
Referring to several verses of the holy Quran and Hadith, the judge said Islam is a moderate religion and it does not support any such torture and force on people to abide by the religion.
Executed JMB operations commander Siddiqul Islam Bangla Bhai had said in his statement that Shish Muhammad used to visit him and executed JMB chief Abdur Rahman in Bagmara during their "anti-outlaw" operations.
Bangla Bhai and his men also visited Shish Muhammad's houses at Tanore in Godagari upazila and Upashahar Housing Estate in Rajshahi city and Shish, also chairman of Mundumala municipality, gave the militants money, the statement said".
Yes, Barrister Aminul Haque is absconded. He may be watching his verdict from his hideout.
Bangladesh's deepening crisis
(Source: International Relations & Security Network, Published on July 26, 2007)
Bangladesh's military-backed caretaker government is taking the country down a destructive path, weakening the chances of any effective restoration of democracy.
The political crisis in Bangladesh seems to be on the rise once again - which might seem paradoxical at a time when the country's military-backed caretaker government has recently announced its much-awaited roadmap to hold parliamentary elections sometime between October and December 2008.
However, the government has continued to persist with its assault on the institutional underpinnings of democracy in the country, the latest episode being the arrest of the former prime minister Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League.
Hasina was taken into custody after a Bangladeshi businessman working in the power sector filed a case against her accusing her of extortion during her tenure as the prime minister between 1996 and 2001.
Earlier this year, the government refused to allow Hasina to enter the country and she was left stranded in the UK. Only after pressure from the international community did the government relent.
After the tenure of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-led government ended last October, political violence became widespread. National elections scheduled for January 2007 were postponed indefinitely, and a state of emergency was declared by President Iajuddin Ahmed with the backing of the military.
Despite warnings from the international community against any move toward military rule, the caretaker administration has tightened its grip over the country. It has declared its ambition to uproot corruption and violence in electoral politics as well as to effectively tackle Islamist militancy. This has led to the arrest of several high-ranking politicians on charges of graft and the execution of a few high-profile militants.
The Election Commission of Bangladesh has now declared a four phase roadmap for polls that will be held after certain electoral reforms are undertaken. Speculation abounded that the leaders of both major political parties - the BNP's Khaleda Zia and the Awami League's Hasina - would be forced to give up their positions before their parties would be allowed to participate in the elections. Instead, the caretaker government arrested Hasina and it is highly probable that Zia will meet the same fate in the coming days.
The government certainly knew that the tensions would soar following the arrest of a major mainstream political leader, but it had taken security precautions. Given that the nation is already under a state of emergency, political protests have so far tended to be under control. There is widespread discontent within the rank and file of both major political parties, which view the talk of reorganization as a ploy to break up and weaken the mainstream parties.
The military-backed government seems to be gradually tightening its grip over the political apparatus in the name of fighting corruption and launching political reforms. There are suggestions that the proposal to hold local elections on a non-party basis is an effort to pack the local institutions with military loyalists.
These developments are indeed ominous given the country's history of military.
Over the past few years, politics in Bangladesh had become overtly personalized, revolving around the personalities of its two main leaders, Zia and Hasina. The two were so busy criticizing and trying to undermine each other that they had little time to debate serious issues of governance.
The political struggle between the center-right BNP and the center-left Awami League had turned into a zero-sum game in which the biggest loser was Bangladesh itself. Shunning the give and take of democratic politics, the two parties seemed to keep their country perpetually on the verge of chaos, alternating between state repression and crippling national strikes aimed at toppling the government.
The increased polarization between the two mainstream political parties opened up "political space" for extremist Islamic parties using their new-found relevance as leverage to place their radical agenda at the forefront of Bangladeshi politics. The growth of radical Islam in Bangladesh owes a lot to the failure of parliamentary democracy and the weakening of civil society over the past few years.
However, it is increasingly unclear if the strategy followed by the current caretaker government is right solution for Bangladesh.
By weakening the main institutions that have sustained whatever remains of democracy in Bangladesh, the military-backed government is further weakening the chances of the restoration of effective democracy in the country.
The US as well as India, the two main international actors, have made their displeasure clear at the recent turn of events. But the international community needs to do much more to put pressure on the caretaker government to desist from the pursuing the destructive path it has chosen.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Harsh V Pant is a lecturer at King's College London. His research interests include WMD proliferation, US foreign policy and Asia-Pacific security issues. The views expressed are his own.
The views and opinions expressed herein are those of the author only, not the International Relations and Security Network (ISN).
Bangladesh's military-backed caretaker government is taking the country down a destructive path, weakening the chances of any effective restoration of democracy.
The political crisis in Bangladesh seems to be on the rise once again - which might seem paradoxical at a time when the country's military-backed caretaker government has recently announced its much-awaited roadmap to hold parliamentary elections sometime between October and December 2008.
However, the government has continued to persist with its assault on the institutional underpinnings of democracy in the country, the latest episode being the arrest of the former prime minister Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League.
Hasina was taken into custody after a Bangladeshi businessman working in the power sector filed a case against her accusing her of extortion during her tenure as the prime minister between 1996 and 2001.
Earlier this year, the government refused to allow Hasina to enter the country and she was left stranded in the UK. Only after pressure from the international community did the government relent.
After the tenure of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-led government ended last October, political violence became widespread. National elections scheduled for January 2007 were postponed indefinitely, and a state of emergency was declared by President Iajuddin Ahmed with the backing of the military.
Despite warnings from the international community against any move toward military rule, the caretaker administration has tightened its grip over the country. It has declared its ambition to uproot corruption and violence in electoral politics as well as to effectively tackle Islamist militancy. This has led to the arrest of several high-ranking politicians on charges of graft and the execution of a few high-profile militants.
The Election Commission of Bangladesh has now declared a four phase roadmap for polls that will be held after certain electoral reforms are undertaken. Speculation abounded that the leaders of both major political parties - the BNP's Khaleda Zia and the Awami League's Hasina - would be forced to give up their positions before their parties would be allowed to participate in the elections. Instead, the caretaker government arrested Hasina and it is highly probable that Zia will meet the same fate in the coming days.
The government certainly knew that the tensions would soar following the arrest of a major mainstream political leader, but it had taken security precautions. Given that the nation is already under a state of emergency, political protests have so far tended to be under control. There is widespread discontent within the rank and file of both major political parties, which view the talk of reorganization as a ploy to break up and weaken the mainstream parties.
The military-backed government seems to be gradually tightening its grip over the political apparatus in the name of fighting corruption and launching political reforms. There are suggestions that the proposal to hold local elections on a non-party basis is an effort to pack the local institutions with military loyalists.
These developments are indeed ominous given the country's history of military.
Over the past few years, politics in Bangladesh had become overtly personalized, revolving around the personalities of its two main leaders, Zia and Hasina. The two were so busy criticizing and trying to undermine each other that they had little time to debate serious issues of governance.
The political struggle between the center-right BNP and the center-left Awami League had turned into a zero-sum game in which the biggest loser was Bangladesh itself. Shunning the give and take of democratic politics, the two parties seemed to keep their country perpetually on the verge of chaos, alternating between state repression and crippling national strikes aimed at toppling the government.
The increased polarization between the two mainstream political parties opened up "political space" for extremist Islamic parties using their new-found relevance as leverage to place their radical agenda at the forefront of Bangladeshi politics. The growth of radical Islam in Bangladesh owes a lot to the failure of parliamentary democracy and the weakening of civil society over the past few years.
However, it is increasingly unclear if the strategy followed by the current caretaker government is right solution for Bangladesh.
By weakening the main institutions that have sustained whatever remains of democracy in Bangladesh, the military-backed government is further weakening the chances of the restoration of effective democracy in the country.
The US as well as India, the two main international actors, have made their displeasure clear at the recent turn of events. But the international community needs to do much more to put pressure on the caretaker government to desist from the pursuing the destructive path it has chosen.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Harsh V Pant is a lecturer at King's College London. His research interests include WMD proliferation, US foreign policy and Asia-Pacific security issues. The views expressed are his own.
The views and opinions expressed herein are those of the author only, not the International Relations and Security Network (ISN).
Amnesty Worried about Bangladesh
Courtesy of: Third Eye
Watch this news coverage from from Channel S in London. Indeed, Amnesty International is worried about the current situation in Bangladesh. We need to see the end of military occupation in Bangladesh and its immediate return to democracy.
Watch this news coverage from from Channel S in London. Indeed, Amnesty International is worried about the current situation in Bangladesh. We need to see the end of military occupation in Bangladesh and its immediate return to democracy.
Thursday, July 26, 2007
The Daily Blackberry - part 2
সূচনাতে আগেই বলেছি ইংরেজী আমার মায়ের ভাষা নয়। এই ভাষায় সাহিত্য চর্চা করা থেকে বিরত থেকেছিও তাই। আমার প্রবাস জীবনের অ-বাংলাভাষী বন্ধুদের কথা মাথায় রেখেই "দ্য ডেইলী ব্ল্যাক বেইরী"-র পান্ডুলিপি তৈরী। পান্ডুলিপির জন্মের পর আমার পুরনো বন্ধুদের কাছ থেকে উৎসাহ / সমালোচনা পাবার নিমিত্তে ব্লগের পাতায় এর প্রকাশ।
আরেকটি কথা "দ্য ডেইলী ব্ল্যাক বেইরী"কে পূর্ণ উপন্যাস না বলে দীর্ঘ ছোট-গল্প বলাটাই বোধহয় শ্রেয়। এখন থেকে এই দীর্ঘ ছোট-গল্পের প্রতিটি অধ্যায় আসতে থাকবে ক্রমশঃ আমার ব্লগে।
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The Daily Blackberry
- A Long Short-Story
By Maskwaith Ahsan
( All characters and incidents are fictitious. Any resemblance to any one alive or dead is mere coincidence. The author cannot take responsibility for his vivid imagination.)
Lucifera’s classroom
------------------------- -------
Luci would have been a very good kindergarten teacher. His instincts to be just that haunt him to the extent that his monthly meetings with fellow journalists reflect a playgroup classroom. Holding court, he feels like none other than Larry King. Point of emphasis being the ‘king’ who owns a harem full of commonwealth probation girls.
Colonial bureaucracy has a parallel system of gradual promotion of clerks to officers, who are affectionately called ‘promotees’. Even non-commissioned soldiers, at times, get commission-brazed as second lieutenants at the twilight of their career. Lucifera’s heading the Blackberry is something similar to that. One fine morning when he unexpectedly finds himself sitting on the king’s chair his euphoric disbelief is a sight for all. God has sent him to this earth to run such a big circus. Why not? I came, I saw, I conquered.
So he enters the classroom like a hero of a mock epic. The biggest gimmick of Luci’s classroom is a power-point presentation. Showing off the tools of journalism, he stands in front of the big screen with the orgasmic smile of Bill Gates’ half-brother. Remember Dr Faustus who believed he was Mr Know All. Luci’s antique English, horde of age-old proverbs and stubborn attempts at proving his intellectual height leave a similar impression. For experienced journalists this classroom is a gas-chamber, whereas the on-probation commonwealth girls eagerly await the Q&A sessions to show their ability at asking stupid questions and put forward laughter-provoking suggestions. Luci’s world order is definitely incomplete without them.
Nanny over and again raises questions and concerns at women emancipation. Tahmida cannot frame questions but her shivering-horse laughter compensates for that. Rakesh is fond of discussions on post-modernism. Towards the end of the class Luci shows his blackberry.“Write me an e-mail anytime. I’ll will be there for you.”Confusing. Is he expecting an e-mail or a fe-mail.
Megalomania
------------- ----------
The mail department is run by a pre-old woman, Naira. Of Luci’s age group, she wears dozens of pink butterfly clips on her dyed hair, puts on red foundation to hide the geometrical revenge of age and is politically fond of cooking for Luci. Hot, spicy South Asian food that is a regular concern for all those with delicate stomachs and minds. That’s not all. She is a photograph freak, likes the constant flashes standing next to the boss. She longs to become a journalist and so lobbies for her friend Iqbal’s promotion.
Naira, like those crooked typical mothers-in-law characters in Hindi soap opera’s, and Iqbal, carrying the legacy of those native Brutes-type collaborators who helped East India Company rulers, are both ideal for Luci. He likes to have a bunch of clowns to work as informers in different departments, so that he, Luci, can ensure a colony without fear of revolt.
Iqbal tries hard to win his master’s stone-cold soul; butters and repeats Luci’s proverbs like a parrot. Waiting for the master to phone him, Iqbal practices to talk to the invisible crown.
Luci supports another parasite, Gobi, a good-looking, good-for-nothing Indianized Casanova. Gobi’s aptitude for Indological fantasies is seriously recognized by Luci. Gobi follows him around like a shadow in red tie, roaming the office like a ping pong ball. His actual assignment remains unknown till date. A universal cigarette-seeker, especially from girls, Gobi claims to be a social democrat but, really, he stares at Asians the way a neo-conservative does. Luci doesn’t like unofficial social gatherings. So, from time to time, Gobi is assigned to keep an eye on coffee tables for intra-office dynamics.
This is not an era of alienation, but Luci believes otherwise. No one but the chosen few should have friends in the office. He walks alone, all alone, towards the cafeteria; in desperate times accompanied by Gobi, not a friend but a mere Charlie. Sometimes during lunch hour Gobi is sent for snap checking. To find out if anyone has brought spicy South Asian food to share with colleagues. Gobi tries to smell like a German Shepherd, food as well as any inner politics against his master. The tragic part of Gobi’s life is when he has to make do with a dry sausage with his nostrils still trickled by the alluring fragrance of hot Indian food.
Gobi ignites his own sense of importance by feeding Luci with imaginary conspiracy theories. He tries to cash on Luci’s sense of insecurity inherited from his ancestors regarding Indians. When Luci gets to learn from Gobi of the 1857 armed struggle of Indian soldiers against the East India Raj, he suffers many sleepless nights. Once during a cigarette-seeking attempt, Gobi came to know of some details of that struggle from Rakesh. Later, he collected a bollywood movie, Mangal Panday, to impress Luci with his knowledge of Indian history of independence.
Contract on the table
------------------- ----------
Atmosphere inside the Blackberry is reminiscent of Alex Haley’s Roots; the way black slaves were brought from Africa, the way they were treated, the life and humiliation of Kunta Kinte, desperate attempts to crush down Kunta’s black identity, in short, the saga of human existence. Those days of hatred and racial discrimination are legally over. But Luci’s colonial hangover refuses to wipe out the past. Hiring a South Asian journalist genetically prompts him to convert euros into rupees. For Luci, that’s the vantage point of human identity. For a brown South Asian the lowest of salary package should be enough, he believes. And why not? Think of Mr Bush: either you are with me or against me.
Remember when Gulliver visited Brobdignag and saw an uncouth huge woman, Diya. Now a days she works at the Blackberry as a section chief. A half-German, she knows everything except journalism. Another insecure woman resembling her master, Lucifera. Diya informs him about a girl in her section, Rodela Singh, who doesn’t show sufficient subordination. Rodela is a Rajput, so blind subordination is the last thing one should expect from her. Luci doesn’t want to miss the chance to fence with Rodela’s defences.“Ms. Singh I have heard that you don’t cooperate with your colleagues.”“That’s not true, Mr. Luci. I think I have optimum communication skills and I know my job well.”“Don’t you think you sound over-confident.”“Look Mr. Luci, I didn’t get any holidays in the last six months. I requested Ms. Diya to at least approve a few days as my mother is visiting. But she refused to do so.”“You should know Ms. Singh that your contract is on my table and I may not extend it if the management is unhappy with your performance.”Rodela cannot comprehend the type of performance Luci is expecting from her. Is it that of Nanny and Tahmida who perform in his crazy office room or on those tantalizing piano evenings to satisfy his mid-fifties masculine ego. Much as she wants, Rodela cannot tell Luci that she joined the Blackberry as a journalist, not an entertainer.
Bravo Gen. (Retd) Matin
Now, the tone has been changed. General Matin now feels that they can not uproot the deep rooted corruption. Haven't they started politically biased and selected heavy handed action? Listen and judge:
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DW News Update on Bangladesh
Listen to this news coverage from German Radio on Bangladesh politics on July 25th. General Matin did not know about jamaat's involvement into corruption.
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Wednesday, July 25, 2007
Immunity for Jamaat-e Islami Bangladesh
(Cross posted at Adda)
It is great news for the fundamentalist Jamat Islami in Bangladesh, as the current military backed Care Taker Government in Bangladesh has openly taken side with them. Yes, it is now reconfirmed by the highest authority of the National Coordination Committee that Jamaat is most likely immune from corruption. General Matin with his Army colleagues may seek comfort with Jamatis when the evidence shows Jamaat’s huge involvement into corruption. Daily Prothom Alo published an investigative report on July 23, 2007, “13 of its central leaders are charged with corruption. Out of their 17 MPs, 9 of them are facing charges”. So the question arises, why the current Adviser Gen M. A. Matin is maneuvering unconditional support for Jamaat? Who is he to certify Jamaat? Read his stark statement published today.
BD News reports, “Adviser MA Matin Wednesday said the caretaker government did not take any laidback approach to deal with Jamaat-e-Islami leaders and activists with suspected corruption ties. The chairman of the national coordination committee on serious crime responded to a question on why Jamaat leaders or activists were not arrested in the ongoing anticorruption drive. "Well, questions surfaced over the issue. It just may be that Jamaat leaders were not involved in corruption," he said. Matin, also communications adviser, told reporters in his office that the government was determined to hold elections by 2008 and took measures to prevent corrupt people participating in the polls. "I don't see any difference between a reformist and the one who is not when it comes to corruption”.
Bangladesh Situation
A satiric note on current Bangladesh situation
BIMAK MITUL
IT seems that mission of the Army-backed government is to politically finish the family of Bangabandhu first! Case statistics show that number of cases filed against Begum Zia is only two. It gives us an impression that Begum Zia is less corrupt than Hasina, who has championed in Corruption with 12/14 cases with whole family! That
is why Hasina is arrested first. But reality contradicts. The govt. was disturbed by a survey of the WEEKLY 2000 (Saptahik 2000) that Hasina has still more acceptance in her party than Begum Zia. It is hard to create a conflict within AL. Being failed, now they are planning to arrest "so-called" reformist leaders. Luckily, couple of them are out of the country. They have saved themselves already playing tricky politics with Army-backed administration.
Now Gen. Moeen is saying that Bangabandhu will be given due place in history. But we afraid the way "might is right" adage is going on, after couple of years they will do a rank of order where Bangabandhu will be in number 5/6!
Sheikh Rehana spoke the right thing "Might is Right". Yes, Army is believed to be the number one SHOT (HONEST) institution in Bangladesh as it is indirectly endorsed by our eminent lawyers. Interestingly at the same time, echoing with Army chief, now Dr. Kamal Hossain is also saying the need of changing the constitution of the country. The problem is that we talked against Hazari, Hazi Selim, Hazari for their muslceman like attitude and arrogance, but like DGFI and talking against Jamaat-Shibir's "Rogkata" bahini in Bangladesh has become a taboo. Whether we like Sk. Hasina or not, at least she always raises her voice against that "Rogkata" bahini. It is hard to find whether our noble peace prize winner Dr. Yunus ever say a word against Jamaat-Shibir and their fundamentalist friends in his public lecture or opinionates or about the state of minority repression in Bangladesh. Does it mean "sometime might is right is justified"? What Army is doing right now, and what Jamaat-Shibir (a very "democratic party" with a captivated Majlish e Shura) usually does, we have to accept that their actions are necessary for the "Honest Democracy" in Bangladesh.
Jamaati top rank leaders and four star generals in Bangladesh should be given next Nobel Peace Prize for re-inventing a new style of (Honest) Democracy in Bangladesh with the support of Guns and Swords. Actually, they are not different than Tarique Rahman (who once told in a news interview that Islam often allows force/violence to get the things done). Who knows there may have a drama going on in Bangladesh? Who knows? May be, everything is very unclear. Because Honest Democracy talks against dynasty but not that much about transparency. Perhaps, Honesty does not require transparency as everybody knows it is a honest system at least when Nobel laureate and the proponent of BD constitution also similarly talk about Honest Politics. In such context, Bangladeshis would love to see our respected doctorates and Prof. Golam Azom work together for Bangladesh. We are waiting to see their dreamy Honest Government (!) in Bangladesh. Then our all doctorates and Ameers of Jihadism will be able to remove the country's name from the list of "most watched countries" in the world!!! Will they?
Who defines democractic change in Bangladesh? Army - students studying in the capital or private universities or abroad - businessmen - civil society people with higher and stable income - Radical Islamists (Bcoz their gurus like Al Quida has already issued a sermon that don't stand by the side of corrupt politicians or governments of Muslim countries). Does anybody talk to or listen to the symbol of our common people "Aijuddin" - "Koshte Achhe Aijuddin"! #
BIMAK MITUL, is post graduate student at Baton Rouge, Louisiana
BIMAK MITUL
IT seems that mission of the Army-backed government is to politically finish the family of Bangabandhu first! Case statistics show that number of cases filed against Begum Zia is only two. It gives us an impression that Begum Zia is less corrupt than Hasina, who has championed in Corruption with 12/14 cases with whole family! That
is why Hasina is arrested first. But reality contradicts. The govt. was disturbed by a survey of the WEEKLY 2000 (Saptahik 2000) that Hasina has still more acceptance in her party than Begum Zia. It is hard to create a conflict within AL. Being failed, now they are planning to arrest "so-called" reformist leaders. Luckily, couple of them are out of the country. They have saved themselves already playing tricky politics with Army-backed administration.
Now Gen. Moeen is saying that Bangabandhu will be given due place in history. But we afraid the way "might is right" adage is going on, after couple of years they will do a rank of order where Bangabandhu will be in number 5/6!
Sheikh Rehana spoke the right thing "Might is Right". Yes, Army is believed to be the number one SHOT (HONEST) institution in Bangladesh as it is indirectly endorsed by our eminent lawyers. Interestingly at the same time, echoing with Army chief, now Dr. Kamal Hossain is also saying the need of changing the constitution of the country. The problem is that we talked against Hazari, Hazi Selim, Hazari for their muslceman like attitude and arrogance, but like DGFI and talking against Jamaat-Shibir's "Rogkata" bahini in Bangladesh has become a taboo. Whether we like Sk. Hasina or not, at least she always raises her voice against that "Rogkata" bahini. It is hard to find whether our noble peace prize winner Dr. Yunus ever say a word against Jamaat-Shibir and their fundamentalist friends in his public lecture or opinionates or about the state of minority repression in Bangladesh. Does it mean "sometime might is right is justified"? What Army is doing right now, and what Jamaat-Shibir (a very "democratic party" with a captivated Majlish e Shura) usually does, we have to accept that their actions are necessary for the "Honest Democracy" in Bangladesh.
Jamaati top rank leaders and four star generals in Bangladesh should be given next Nobel Peace Prize for re-inventing a new style of (Honest) Democracy in Bangladesh with the support of Guns and Swords. Actually, they are not different than Tarique Rahman (who once told in a news interview that Islam often allows force/violence to get the things done). Who knows there may have a drama going on in Bangladesh? Who knows? May be, everything is very unclear. Because Honest Democracy talks against dynasty but not that much about transparency. Perhaps, Honesty does not require transparency as everybody knows it is a honest system at least when Nobel laureate and the proponent of BD constitution also similarly talk about Honest Politics. In such context, Bangladeshis would love to see our respected doctorates and Prof. Golam Azom work together for Bangladesh. We are waiting to see their dreamy Honest Government (!) in Bangladesh. Then our all doctorates and Ameers of Jihadism will be able to remove the country's name from the list of "most watched countries" in the world!!! Will they?
Who defines democractic change in Bangladesh? Army - students studying in the capital or private universities or abroad - businessmen - civil society people with higher and stable income - Radical Islamists (Bcoz their gurus like Al Quida has already issued a sermon that don't stand by the side of corrupt politicians or governments of Muslim countries). Does anybody talk to or listen to the symbol of our common people "Aijuddin" - "Koshte Achhe Aijuddin"! #
BIMAK MITUL, is post graduate student at Baton Rouge, Louisiana
Human Rights Seminar at the House of Lords
Press Release
The Caretaker government must stop the on going human rights violations by its law enforcing forces: Human Rights in Bangladesh seminar at the House of Lords
A well attended seminar on Bangladesh titled 'Human Rights in Bangladesh' was held today (Tuesday 24 July 2007) in Committee room 2 at the Houses of Lords, organised by the International Bangladesh Foundation and chaired by Lord Avebury, the Vice Chair of All Party Parliamentary Human Rights Group and Chairman of International Bangladesh Foundation . The seminar was attended by MPs, MEP, Peers, and representatives of human rights organisations including Commonwealth Secretariat, Liberation, Saferworld, Ahmadiyya Muslim Association, International Crisis Group, Jago Bangladesh, London School of Economics, and University of London.
Lord Avebury in his opening remarks said, Whilst attention has rightly been focused on the caretaker government's strategy for genuinely free and fair elections; the reformation of the political system and the eradication of corruption, there is concern also about problems of human rights. The establishment of a national human rights commission, promised by the government, was a priority. Meanwhile, causes of concern included the detention of a large number of people, and lack of prosecutorial and judicial capacity to hold trial promptly; allegations of torture in custody, particularly the death under torture of the indigenous leader Cholesh Ritchil and the torture of journalist Tasneem Khalil; the imprisonment of Shafiqur Rahman Chowdhury, a British Bengali citizen; failure to bring to justice terrorists who committed outrages during the last government, the need to curb the activities of fanatics who stir up religious hatred, and restrictions on the freedom of political parties to decide freely on how to democratise themselves.
Mr Ashraf Uddin, the Acting High Commissioner for Bangladesh gave a comprehensive presentation on the Caretaker Government's commitment to minority and human rights in its reform plans. He said that a draft of the law on the Human Rights Commission was about to be circulated to stakeholders for consultation. He was followed by Baroness Uddin, Chair of All Party Group on Bangladesh; Amnesty International's South Asia researcher Abbas Faiz; Conservative Friends of Bangladesh Chair Ms Ann Main MP; Labour MP Rt Hon David Drew; Human Rights Watch Asia Director Brad Adams, and European Friends of Bangladesh Chair Dr Charles Tannock MEP.
Other contributors included Harry Cohen MP, Tower Hamlets Mayor Cllr Ann Jackson, Awami League representative M A Rahim, BNP representative Barrister Jushna Miah, Gano Forum's representative Cllr Ayub Korom Ali, Respect Cllr Lutfa Begum, Bangla TV's M S Alam Liton, ex Cllr Talal Karim and Akik Rahman Chowdhury.
Many speakers expressed their concern about the undignified arrest this week of the former Prime Minister and Awami League president Sheikh Hasina and the denial of her application for bail. AL spokesperson said Sheikh Hasina was arrested and imprisoned under emergency powers that appear to deny her basic legal rights, including legal representation. Others criticised the use of emergency powers generally, as was undermining the rule of law, and it was said that some detainees had been wrongfully arrested and subjected to ill-treatment. It was suggested that the restrictions on political activity would have to be lifted before the local elections, now scheduled for January 2008.
Lord Avebury in his concluding remarks said, "We as fellow members of the Commonwealth, and with the ties of family and history that bind us together, want to see Bangladesh go through a new liberation, emerging with strong political, legal and human rights institutions".
The Caretaker government must stop the on going human rights violations by its law enforcing forces: Human Rights in Bangladesh seminar at the House of Lords
A well attended seminar on Bangladesh titled 'Human Rights in Bangladesh' was held today (Tuesday 24 July 2007) in Committee room 2 at the Houses of Lords, organised by the International Bangladesh Foundation and chaired by Lord Avebury, the Vice Chair of All Party Parliamentary Human Rights Group and Chairman of International Bangladesh Foundation . The seminar was attended by MPs, MEP, Peers, and representatives of human rights organisations including Commonwealth Secretariat, Liberation, Saferworld, Ahmadiyya Muslim Association, International Crisis Group, Jago Bangladesh, London School of Economics, and University of London.
Lord Avebury in his opening remarks said, Whilst attention has rightly been focused on the caretaker government's strategy for genuinely free and fair elections; the reformation of the political system and the eradication of corruption, there is concern also about problems of human rights. The establishment of a national human rights commission, promised by the government, was a priority. Meanwhile, causes of concern included the detention of a large number of people, and lack of prosecutorial and judicial capacity to hold trial promptly; allegations of torture in custody, particularly the death under torture of the indigenous leader Cholesh Ritchil and the torture of journalist Tasneem Khalil; the imprisonment of Shafiqur Rahman Chowdhury, a British Bengali citizen; failure to bring to justice terrorists who committed outrages during the last government, the need to curb the activities of fanatics who stir up religious hatred, and restrictions on the freedom of political parties to decide freely on how to democratise themselves.
Mr Ashraf Uddin, the Acting High Commissioner for Bangladesh gave a comprehensive presentation on the Caretaker Government's commitment to minority and human rights in its reform plans. He said that a draft of the law on the Human Rights Commission was about to be circulated to stakeholders for consultation. He was followed by Baroness Uddin, Chair of All Party Group on Bangladesh; Amnesty International's South Asia researcher Abbas Faiz; Conservative Friends of Bangladesh Chair Ms Ann Main MP; Labour MP Rt Hon David Drew; Human Rights Watch Asia Director Brad Adams, and European Friends of Bangladesh Chair Dr Charles Tannock MEP.
Other contributors included Harry Cohen MP, Tower Hamlets Mayor Cllr Ann Jackson, Awami League representative M A Rahim, BNP representative Barrister Jushna Miah, Gano Forum's representative Cllr Ayub Korom Ali, Respect Cllr Lutfa Begum, Bangla TV's M S Alam Liton, ex Cllr Talal Karim and Akik Rahman Chowdhury.
Many speakers expressed their concern about the undignified arrest this week of the former Prime Minister and Awami League president Sheikh Hasina and the denial of her application for bail. AL spokesperson said Sheikh Hasina was arrested and imprisoned under emergency powers that appear to deny her basic legal rights, including legal representation. Others criticised the use of emergency powers generally, as was undermining the rule of law, and it was said that some detainees had been wrongfully arrested and subjected to ill-treatment. It was suggested that the restrictions on political activity would have to be lifted before the local elections, now scheduled for January 2008.
Lord Avebury in his concluding remarks said, "We as fellow members of the Commonwealth, and with the ties of family and history that bind us together, want to see Bangladesh go through a new liberation, emerging with strong political, legal and human rights institutions".
Turmoil After Former PM’s Arrest
Read this article from Newsweek
Bangladesh: Turmoil After Former PM’s Arrest
Bangladesh’s military-backed government is trying to oust two of the nation’s most prominent politicians. They’re not going quietly.
WEB EXCLUSIVE
By Hassan Shahriar
Special to Newsweek
Updated: 1:04 p.m. ET July 24, 2007
July 24, 2007 - More than 25 years ago, Bangladesh's leading politicians persuaded two housewives to enter the public arena. The women spearheaded agitation, forced a military dictator to quit power and restored parliamentary democracy in their impoverished nation. Then the two arch rivals won elections in popular votes and alternated as prime ministers for more than a decade in the predominantly Muslim country. Now their era of dominance may be coming to an ignominious end.
Khaleda Zia, 62, inherited the political legacy of her slain husband, President Gen. Ziaur Rahman, and Sheikh Hasina, 59, that of her assassinated father, the nation's founding leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Both were top contenders for power in Bangladesh’s next election, scheduled for late 2008. But now both face a permanent exile from politics as even their own supporters accuse them of corruption, cronyism and attempts to establish political dynasties. While both have denied the charges, matters took a new turn with last week’s arrest of Hasina on extortion charges. Hasina is also accused of playing a role in four killings allegedly committed by members of her opposition Awami League during a riot last year.
Hasina’s arrest was the latest step by Bangladesh’s interim military-backed government to force her and Zia out of the country. The seven-month-old caretaker regime, which took charge after 30 people were killed in clashes following the end of Zia's five-year term, has cracked down on corruption and pledged to hold credible elections next year. In recent weeks it has detained more than 170 key political leaders, businessmen and public servants on charges of graft and abuse of power. It has also begun encouraging reformists to challenge Zia and Hasina and patronizing groups that established two new political parties. "[Zia and Hasina] delivered nothing to the nation in [the] last 26 years," says Ataur Rahman, a Dhaka University teacher and president of the Bangladesh Political Science Association. "It is time for them to yield to new leadership.
Hasina argues that the charges against her are false and aimed at keeping her from fighting at the polls. "It's a conspiracy to stop me from speaking for the rights of the people," she told a court that rejected her bail petition and sent her to a makeshift sub-jail last week. "I've done nothing wrong." Hasina's arrest has sparked violent protests and brought strong condemnations from lawyers, teachers, political parties and media. Teachers at Dhaka University—hub of the nation’s political activity—wore black badges and boycotted classes Sunday to protest Hasina's arrest and Zia's harassment. Zia, who is not on speaking term with Hasina, has also condemned the arrest and demanded her release.
Meanwhile, many analysts believe that Zia—currently in virtual confinement at her Dhaka Cantonment house—may be the next to be arrested. The government's anticorruption commission has given the two leaders seven days to submit wealth reports detailing their income and assets. Zia’s elder son, Tarique Rahman, an heir apparent during his mother's reign, is already in jail facing a number of corruption charges. And the election commission is drafting laws to disqualify people from seeking votes if they are convicted on corruption charges.
The big question now is how recent developments could affect Bangladeshi politics in the longer term. One fear: that the instability might give rise to Islamic extremism. Mizanur Rahman Shelley, a social scientist and chairman of the Centre for Development Research, Bangladesh (CDRB), compares the situation with the reign of Iran's Reza Shah Pahlavi, who systematically crushed liberal democrats. "The vacancy was filled slowly but steadily by the extremist religious elements, led by mullahs," notes Shelley. "Towards the end, the Shah had some of the confined nationalist leaders to his aid, but it was too late. The extremists took over."
It is unclear just how much support there is for fundamentalists in Bangladesh. However, there are also fears that the military—which has ruled Bangladesh directly or indirectly for 15 years since it achieved independence from Pakistan in 1971—might consolidate its grip on the country. At present, the generals are simply supporting the civilian caretaker administration, but some Bangladeshis favor setting up a security council to give the military a more formal role in government. "There should be a mechanism so that the military can play its role in policymaking," says Rahman. "There is a need for stabilization of the civil-military relationship." The army chief, Gen. Moeen U. Ahmed, is brushing aside such speculation—for now, at least. "We have no intention to take power," he says. "We are supporting the caretaker government. The security council is not a priority issue." Nonetheless, the general feels that the nation's constitution must be rewritten to maintain a balance of power between the figurehead president and the all-powerful prime minister.
Most Bangladeshis have applauded the government's drive against corruption, but they also have other priorities. One example: they complain that the government has hardly taken any step to control price hikes. "There are high prices, tight monetary measures and economic uncertainty," says Qazi Kholiquzzaman Ahmad, president of the Bangladesh Economic Association. "The government needs to address them quickly on the reality of the grounds, not on any dogma."
There’s also the issue of party politics. Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Hasina's Awami League are bitterly divided. Reformists within the two parties—encouraged by the government—both want to loosen the vise of their leaders by introducing term limits that would end their control. "A lot of damage has been done to our politics," says A. H. Mofazzal Karim, Zia's adviser and a leading reformist. "We should start a new chapter which will not allow repetition of evildoings of the past." Others, however, argue that such attempts can be counterproductive. "The reform will not bring positive results for the country if it is forced on political parties," says Akbar Ali Khan, a former adviser to the caretaker government. "Solutions will not come if only the parties are split in the name of reforms."
Zia herself believes the government wants to break up the two parties, accusing it of failing to act against those trying to oust her and Hasina. "[The government] imposed restrictions on our movements, but [it is] not touching those who are speaking about reforms, she charged during a conference call with leaders of her party's Australian branch Saturday night. "Their only agenda is to split the party." Both Zia and Hasina still command large followings, and their opponents have neither the mass appeal nor the charisma of these dominant figures. But given the government's determination to be rid of them, that won't be enough to keep them in the center of the political stage much longer.
© 2007 Newsweek, Inc.
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