Bangladesh: Labor Activists in Export Sector Harassed
Recent Arrest Shows Government’s Misuse of Emergency Powers
Source: Human Rights Watch
(New York, January 31, 2008) – Bangladesh’s interim government should immediately end the recent harassment of labor rights activists who are conducting legitimate activities to protect the rights of workers in the country, Human Rights Watch said today.
On January 24, 2008, Mehedi Hasan of the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) was arrested and detained by National Security Intelligence in Dhaka. His arrest is believed to be directly linked to the labor rights monitoring that he carried out for WRC, an nongovernmental organization that investigates labor practices at apparel factories, largely on behalf of US colleges and universities.
Hasan is being held for violating Articles 3 and 4(1) of the Emergency Power Rules of January 25, 2007, which prohibit processions, meetings, assemblies and trade union activities. After his arrest by National Security Intelligence, Hasan was transferred to Pallabi police station in Dhaka, where he has been seen wearing shackles. On January 25, 2008, he was brought before a court and remanded into police custody for four days. On January 30, he was remanded for an additional three days.
“The interim government is abusing its emergency powers to target individuals who are trying to protect workers’ rights in Bangladesh’s most important export industry,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “This should set off alarm bells among donors and governments who don’t seem to understand or care how the authorities are using the state of emergency to systematically suppress basic rights.”
Hasan’s arrest is part of a recent pattern of harassment of labor rights activists that has followed clashes between workers and police in Dhaka’s Mirpur area earlier this month. On January 22, a Bangladeshi staff member of the American Center for Labor Solidarity was arrested and briefly detained. On January 24, a Danish national who serves as the South East Asia field director of the Worker Rights Consortium was held for questioning at Dhaka’s international airport before being allowed to board a plane for Thailand.
In recent days, the authorities have invoked Emergency Power Rules and have filed criminal cases against dozens of trade union members, including leaders of the Bangladesh Independent Garment Workers’ Union Federation.
Many other labor rights activists have complained to Human Rights Watch about being threatened and being under constant surveillance. According to police sources, a number of international organizations and their staff members are currently being monitored for allegedly engineering or inciting subversive activities within the garment industry.
Garments are Bangladesh’s main export, and have been a major contributor to the country’s economic growth in recent years. The industry has also been important in creating jobs for women.
“International companies that source garments in Bangladesh should insist that the Bangladeshi government end harassment of labor rights activists,” said Adams. “They should make it clear that labor organizing and activism is part of the deal when operating in the world economic system and that they will not accept it if activists are jailed, intimidated or harassed by the authorities.”
Bangladesh has been under a state of emergency since January 11, 2007. The emergency rules have placed serious limits on civil and political rights, and have severely diluted constitutional protections of individual rights. In a letter to the government dated August 1, 2007, Human Rights Watch called for the lifting of the state of emergency.
Thursday, January 31, 2008
Labor Activists Harrassed in Bangladesh
Wednesday, January 30, 2008
Free Rights Activist Mehdi Hasan
The army backed caretaker government in Bangladesh has taken Mehdi Hasan, a rigths activist, into police custody. Mr. Hasan works as a field investigator for the Washington, D.C.-based Worker Rights Consortium. He was arrested on January 24th Saturday at Zia International Airport as he was boarding a flight to Bangkok. Less than a year ago, Journalist Tasneem Khalil, a CNN and Human Rights Watch representative, was picked up by the army for interrogation. He was released within 24 hours when international rights activistis and journalists condemned his arrest.
Read WRC's Press Release here:
We condemn this illegal detention of Mehdi Hasan and ask the army backed Caretaker Government to release him immediately. Bangladesh can not afford any more incidents of human rights breaches that will draw international condemnation and alienation. We hope international community, human rights activists and bloggers will come forward to demand Mr. Hasan's immediate release.Anti-Sweatshop Investigator for US Group Arrested, Held Incommunicado By Bangladesh Government
Global Campaign Sparked as 178-member U.S. University Labor Rights Consortium Raises Alarm
The arrest by the Bangladeshi government of an investigator for a leading America labor rights watchdog group has sparked a global campaign to secure his release.
Mehedi Hasan, field investigator for the Washington D.C.-based Worker Rights Consortium (WRC), was arrested by government security forces on January 24th and has since been held in detention, incommunicado. The WRC is a Washington, D.C.-based labor rights monitoring organization working on behalf of 178 universities and colleges.
Human rights groups and labor rights advocates around the globe have joined the WRC in demanding Mr. Hasan's release. The US government and major apparel brands and retailers that produce clothing in the country have also weighed in with the Bangladeshi government.
Mr. Hasan's arrest appears to be part of a broader campaign of repression by the government against labor rights advocates in the wake of recent demonstrations by apparel workers in Dhaka, the capital city. An employee of the AFL-CIO's office in Dhaka was arrested a week earlier than Mr. Hasan and there are reportedly arrest warrants out for a number of Bangladeshi worker rights advocates.
Bangladesh is run by a military-backed "caretaker" government and the country's human rights practices have come under increasing criticism. The security forces are operating under "emergency rules" decreed by the government, which suspend basic civil liberties. Mr. Hasan's family's repeated requests to see him have been denied. The authorities apparently plan to subject him to a range of bogus criminal charges.
Said WRC Executive Director, Scott Nova, "There is no legitimate reason for Mehedi Hasan's arrest and we call upon the government of Bangladesh to effect his immediate and unconditional release. We are deeply concerned for his safety." Nova cited fears that Mr. Hasan may have been subjected to physical mistreatment while in custody.
Mr. Hasan's job is to monitor compliance with labor rights codes of conduct that the WRC's member universities apply to the production of clothing bearing their names and logos. The organization also does labor rights monitoring for the cities of Los Angeles and San Francisco. The kind of monitoring work done by Mr. Hasan is commonplace in Bangladesh and in other apparel exporting countries and plays an important role in ensuring that goods imported into the US are not made under sweatshop conditions.
Mr. Hasan's detention appears to be retaliation for his efforts, on the WRC's behalf, to protect the rights of workers in apparel factories in Dhaka that sell to US brands. Said Nova, "The government's actions are an attack on the independent labor rights monitoring that is essential to ensuring that the clothing worn by US consumers is made under decent working conditions."
Another WRC employee, Bent Gehrt, a Danish national, was in Dhaka with Mr. Hasan during the week of January 20. Mr. Gehrt was detained at Zia International Airport in Dhaka while attempting to board a flight to Bangkok. Mr. Gehrt was subjected to an aggressive interrogation, during which his interrogators made it clear that he and Mr. Hasan had been under surveillance by the security forces for several days. Mr. Gehrt was ultimately allowed to board his flight and leave the country.
In addition to arresting Mehedi Hasan, the government has seized a WRC computer containing records of confidential worker interviews. The WRC stated that it is concerned not only for the safety of Mr. Hasan, but of the workers who provided confidential testimony to the WRC in course of labor rights investigations.
"The government of Bangladesh should recognize that harassment of factory monitors, labor rights advocates, and workers who participate in labor rights inquiries will do serious damage to the country's international reputation," said Nova. "Brands and retailers that buy clothing overseas do not want their products associated with this kind of behavior. If the government of Bangladesh wants to drive away business and undermine the viability of the country's main export sector, this is a good way to do it."
Caution against death in police-rab custody
Home ministry cautions lawmen against custodial death
Source: New Age
Date: January 30, 2008
The home affairs ministry on Tuesday cautioned law enforcement agencies against death in custody. Senior officials of law enforcement agencies such as the police and the Rapid Action Battalion were instructed to ensure that such incidents do not take place further, an official source said.
The directive was given at a meeting chaired by the home affairs adviser, MA Matin. The home secretary, inspector general of police, Rapid Action Battalion director general and senior officials of the agencies concerned attended the meeting. This was the first meeting of the adviser with the heads and senior officials of the law enforcement agencies after assuming the office of the home affairs ministry on January 16.
Matin, a retired army official who also heads the national coordination committee against corruption and serious crimes, issued 30-point instructions for the lawmen to go by in keeping order to hold free and fair national elections by the end of 2008. He directed the police to send to the home ministry as soon as possible the cases that could warrant speedy trial.
The adviser asked police officials to build better relations with people. He stressed the need for positive behavioural changes in policemen. One hundred and eighty-four were reportedly killed extra-judicially by the law enforcement agencies in 2007, according to a report released by human rights coalition Odhikar. The report said 130 had been killed in the ‘crossfire.’
Of them, 94 were killed by the Rapid Action Battalion, 64 by the police, 3 jointly by the battalion and the police, 7 each by the ‘joint forces’ and the army, 3 by the navy, 1 each by the jail police, coast guards, forest guards, Bangladesh Rifles and 2 by the officers of the Department of Narcotics Control. The number of extra-judicial killings in 2007 was lower than what it was in the preceding year.
The meeting asked the police and intelligence agencies to closely monitor labour unrest in readymade garments factories to keep the situation under control. It also asked the police to set up one-stop service centres at strategic points in cities to check harassment of girls and women.
Matin asked the law enforcers to conduct proper investigation into the cases related to acid throwing as the meeting observed the accused in most cases are released because of weak inquiry and lack of evidence. He also directed the traffic wing of the police to ensure that the vehicles having fake licences or without fitness clearances do not run on the city roads.
Monday, January 28, 2008
Barrister Moinul could come clean this time!
Shabbir Ahmed
The year 2006 was truly remarkable for Bangladesh because in that year the blueprint for rigging the controversial election in January 2007 was foiled by the mass uprising of our people. The mass movement paved the way for the formation of the present caretaker government under Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed. The democracy loving people of Bangladesh left the streets with hopes and trusts on the advisors, who took over power to make a level-playing field so that a free and fair election could finally be held. Surprisingly, one of the advisors started his rhetorics and actions very much against the will of the people in the aftermath of the takeover of this government. He was a learned barrister named Mr. Moinul Hussein. His rhetorics and actions implied his intention to undermine the advancement of the political process toward a stable democracy that people of Bangladesh have been aspiring during the dark days under the rule of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the fundamentalist Jamaat-i-Islami (JI).
As a well-known Barrister, Mr. Moinul Hussein used to be perceived as someone who left Awami League for the cause of democracy probably in 1974 when BKSAL was formed. The anti Awami League (AL) quarters used to portray him as an icon for democracy, who did not compromise on the question for the same. They used to mention his name with reverence just to show their regards for him and for democracy. On the other hand, the AL supporters/sympathi zers and some neutral observers used to identify him as a conspirator once they saw him by the side of Khondokar Mushtaque (who conspired to capture power by killing Bangobondhu, his associates, and his family members) in forming a short-lived party named Democratic League. Despite all these in terms of his controversial track record, many people hoped that with time he probably went through some refinement and would deliver something good for healing the wounds caused by the conspiratorial politics of many political and supposedly non-political groups in Bangladesh. But, alas, old habits die hard. Instead of trying to minimize the differences among various political factions in the country, he started creating controversies and conflicts ad infinitum. He categorically blamed all politicians for corruptions and political conflicts in Bangladesh. It is relevant here to mention that the intellectuals like him were behind one or the other political forces that governed the country and/or demonstrated on the streets at different points in time in the past. It was an opportunity for me to watch a couple of his discussions in Channel I before one-eleven. It appeared that he was in agreement with the political forces that were holding or controlling power in pre one-eleven timeframe. As I remember, he was vehemently supporting the election that was scheduled to be held under a controversial caretaker government and under a partisan election commission aligned with BNP and JI. He even mentioned that the constitution mandated holding of the election within 90 days of the start of the caretaker government. However, his departure from this stance once he became the part of the second caretaker government backed by the cantonment crowd hardly ruffles feather in him.
As many people know, all the time in the past, Mr. Hussein supported the forces that brought political killings, militarism, and religion in politics. The shining example is his political association with Khondokar Mushtaque and his presence as a guest on the stages in the functions organized by JI and Islami Chatra Shibir (ICS). All these were visualized in bright pictures that came out in Internet after his inclusion as an advisor of the supposedly neutral caretaker government. It came as a surprise to many how he being such a politically colored and charged person made his way into the current caretaker government under Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed. His inclusion did not go well in terms of the image of the current government. The television viewers both in Bangladesh and abroad were both irritated and vexed by his controversial and conflicting remarks on a daily basis. He never concealed his anger over all politicians except may be Jamaat-i-Islamists. Whenever these fundamentalist forces were in trouble, he came forward to protect them. On the issue of punishing the JI war criminals, he came forward to protect them by asking for the trial of the politicians who were in power for not trying the war criminals. Such was his antics!
After his "sad" departure from power and fall from grace, there are many allegations published in a number of newspapers on his misuse and abuse of power. His lack of care and concern after the death and injuries of a number of workers in the Rangs Building was criticized by the conscious people of Bangladesh. Most importantly, the allegation of his brother in terms of the abuse of his power to capture the daily Ittefaq is very disturbing. As an astute practitioner of law, he was not supposed to act in such a fashion by abusing and/or misusing power. In fact, his use of power was supposed to set examples for the politicians and others who would come to power in the future. His rhetorics and application of rules were supposed to be meaningful and just that would have been followed by the politicians devoid of high level of education in law. Unfortunately, Mr. Hussein irritated all sections of people due to the lack of thoughtfulness in his expressions and actions while he was in power. No matter how hard he tried, he could not prove that he was different from some of our politicians devoid of thoughtfulness and scruple.
After one-eleven, the people of Bangladesh are not willing to accept the creation of more conflicts and chaos in politics. Instead, there should be efforts to create systems and institutions that would help avoid confrontation. In doing these, he could have contributed significantly. But, he did not concentrate fully to devote his efforts in these directions. He was supposed to be remembered but his untimely departure from power was welcomed by the people living both inside and outside Bangladesh. After all, he was seen more as a problem maker than as a solver. His rapid ascendancy to power was rather short-lived. His fall from grace was equally precipitous. His success as an influential advisor of the caretaker government has now become questionable and has come under severe scrutiny. All these would not have happened if he had acted little carefully in a just fashion. It can be said that he would have been remembered by all quarters for his role at this time even though he had a controversial political past. Mr. Moinul Hussein had ample time and opportunity this time to redeem himself for the mistakes he did in yesteryears but alas he was wayward from day one to the bitter end of his tenure. He simply let go this opportunity to come out clean.
Sunday, January 27, 2008
Remembering Shah A M S Kibria
The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) has yet to complete supplementary probe in the sensational cases--one for murder and the other for explosion--even though 10 months have passed since resumption of further investigation.Shah A M S Kibria's family and friends have continued their protest against the heinous killing of Mr. Kibria and looking for justice. Days are passing. Like many other killings, Bangladesh will painfully forget Mr. Kibria and rehabilitate his killers. His daughter Nazli Kibria writes at Daily Star to remember him,
The then senior additional superintendent of police (ASP) Munshi Atiqur Rahman of CID on March 7 last year notified the tribunal of the matter.
After Munshi's retirement, ASP Rafiqul Islam took over as the investigation officer (IO). He claimed they had gathered some significant leads from different sources. He however could not say how much time he would take to file supplementary charge sheets.
Sources close to the probe said the decision for more investigation was taken after the investigators found Harkat ul-Jihad-I-Islami's links to the January 27 grenade attack at Baidderbazar in Habiganj that left Kibria and four others dead.
Munshi Atique on March 20, 2005 pressed charges against 10 BNP leaders and workers. The same day Abdul Majid Khan, the complainant, filed a no-confidence petition against the charge sheet in the murder case. But the Habiganj Magistrate's Court Cognizance-1) rejected the petition and fixed May 10 the same year for hearing.
But in the meantime, the case was transferred to Sylhet Divisional Speedy Trial Tribunal that too rejected the objections to the charge sheet.
The complainant then filed a petition with the High Court and obtained orders staying the proceedings on May 14, 2006. Moved by Dr Kamal Hossain, the petition challenged the tribunal's rejection of a prayer for further investigation.
The HC bench also ordered the government to explain within two weeks why the ruling of the Speedy Trial Tribunal should not be adjudged to have been done without lawful authority.
Proceedings of the case would remain stayed till the rule is disposed of.
Vice-President of Habiganj district BNP Abdul Quaiyum was made the principal accused. The other accused are Joynal Abedin Jalal, Jamir Ali, Momin, Tajul Islam, Shahed Ali, Selim Ahmed and Enayat Ali, Muhibur Rahman and Kajal Miah.
Of them, eight including Quaiyum are behind bars.
Asma Kibria and Reza Kibria, wife and son of the slain AL leader, had rejected the charge sheet.
Asma Kibria on January 19 last year urged the chief adviser of the caretaker government to ensure proper investigation and trial of the cases.
It has now been three years since my father's assassination on January 27, 2005 by grenade attack in Sylhet. I am sad to say that there has been no visible progress towards a complete and unbiased investigation into the crime; indeed, there is little apparent interest in this matter. It is difficult for me to understand how unresolved political killings can help the country in its quest to rid itself of corruption and to move towards democracy through free and fair elections.
I do know that however futile it may seem, I will continue, in whatever way that I can, our family's campaign for justice. After all, it was my father who taught me to keep on trying, to not give up.
Friday, January 25, 2008
New Censorship on Live TV Shows
BBC Bangla reports that the army backed Caretaker Government of Bangladesh has asked the private TV Channel to cancel its popular live talk show "Ekushe Somoy". Bangladesh Government has instructed the news channels to cancel live talk shows. It asked the media to broadcast only pre-recorded shows. Mr. Abed Khan, Editor of a Bangla Daily, was scheduled to appear in a talk show sponsored by the ETV channel that was taken off by the government's last minute instruction. It doesn't appear that the army backed government is ready to lift emergency when censorships is coming back in full force. Listen BBC's news coverage from today's morning show:
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New Twist in Corruption Case
Now it's inhuman to keep Hasina confined: AL
Dhaka, Jan 24 (bdnews24.com) – The Awami League thinks it would be inhuman and unjust to keep party president Sheikh Hasina detained after businessman Azam Jahangir Chowdhury said he had not sued the former prime minister for extortion.
Acting AL chief Zillur Rahman Thursday said they thought Hasina had been framed in the case to keep her confined and isolated from the people.
Zillur made the comment at a function to accept donations for the party's central relief fund for cyclone Sidr victims at his Gulshan home in the city.
"From the very beginning we have been saying that Sheikh Hasina is completely innocent. A conspiratorial case has been lodged against her. In this case we will win the legal battle," he said.
Chowdhury, the chairman of Prime Bank, said Thursday he had filed a case only against Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim, Hasina's cousin, for extorting money from him in return for a promised deal.
"I want to make it clear that I did not file a case against Sheikh Hasina," Chowdhury told bdnews24.com by phone.
Zillur said: "What Azam J Chowdhury has said proves that we have been telling the truth. This is the victory of beauty over ugliness and of truth over lies.
"It has been proved that there is nothing substantial against Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana."
Quoting Selim, the AL presidium member accused in the case, Zillur said, "Sheikh Selim has told the court that his confessional statement was taken under duress. Besides, there is no witness in the case. This is a baseless case."
At the function, a cheque of Tk 10 lakh on behalf of Jeddah Awami League Council and Tk 1 lakh by Fazlur Rahman, a Bangladeshi expatriate in the USA, were given to the relief fund.
It was announced that the central relief fund would accept no financial help after Jan 31.
Awami League leaders Abdur Razzak, Dr Mostafa Jalal Mohiuddin and Nazma Rahman were present.
Thursday, January 24, 2008
What a U Turn!!!
Azam J Chowdhury says he didn't sue Hasina
Dhaka, Jan 24 (bdnews24.com) – Prime Bank chairman Azam Jahangir Chowdhury Thursday said he had not sued former prime minister Sheikh Hasina.
Chowdhury said he filed a case only against Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim, her cousin, for extorting money from him in return for a promised deal.
"I want to make it clear that I did not file a case against Sheikh Hasina," Chowdhury told bdnews24.com by phone.
"Sheikh Selim took the money from me in return for a deal. He told me that he would get the deal done with the help of Sheikh Hasina," he said.
But Chowdhury said he had not paid the money to Hasina. "Nor did she demand it from me."
"I don't know how she was implicated in that case," Chowdhury told reporters after he attended the annual business conference of Prime Bank at a Gulshan hotel.
"Sheikh Hasina is the daughter of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and I cannot even think of suing her."
Tuesday, January 22, 2008
Celebration after Professors Release
Watch the following news coverage after the release of Dhaka University Professors:
Bdnews24 reports:
Prof Anwar Hossain, one of the three teachers convicted by a Dhaka court and later pardoned by President Iajuddin Ahmed, said: "This verdict is not only against some teachers of Dhaka University. It is against the whole Dhaka University community, the conscience of the nation."Click here for more updated news:
"I did not want to come out of jail. Then the jail authorities tried to force me out as per the Jail Code. Later they informed me that all students would be released by tomorrow (Wednesday)."
"Nobody can gag the voice of conscience. We will join a teacher-student-guardian solidarity rally at the Aparajeyo Bangla tomorrow."
The teacher said he would narrate the picture of alleged torture in custody to the national and international media.
"We did not do any injustice. We protested injustice."
Prof Anwar thanked the members of the families of detained teachers for standing by them and supporting them with courage and patience.
Verdict Vs. Mercy
Dhaka, Jan 22 (bdnews24.com) – Four Dhaka University teachers Tuesday walked out of prison to the warm, yet tearful reception of relatives, colleagues and adherents. Full Story. Updates with PID note
Freedom of the four teachers—three of them sentenced to two years in jail but pardoned by President Iajuddin Ahmed just as quickly—and the fourth acquitted by a Dhaka court—drew a line under a long-running contentions issue.
There were no appeals for mercy by the families of the convicted teachers.
Deputy inspector general (prisons) Major Shamsul Haider Siddiqui told bdnews24.com that jail authorities had freed the teachers after receiving documents of presidential clemency.
The prisons official said they could not free Moniruzzaman, one of the 15 students acquitted by the court, as jail authorities did not receive any supporting document on his freedom.
Secretary to the Chief Adviser's Office Md Kazi Aminul Islam had earlier confirmed to bdnews24.com that the president approved the files for mercy.
The government also withdrew all cases against teachers and students involving the August violence—a move seen as a remedy to the months of tensions on the campus.
Additional chief metropolitan magistrate M Golam Rabbani, who presided over the case Tuesday morning, convicted DUTA president Professor Sadrul Amin, general secretary Professor Anwar Hossain and social sciences faculty dean Professor Harun-or-Rashid.
Rabbani however acquitted applied physics and electronics department chairman Prof Nimchandra Bhowmick, and 15 students of the same charges.
The three teachers had been jailed for two years on charges of breaking emergency rules and fomenting days of campus violence in August last year.
In a statement, the Press Information Department said the president had cleared the three teachers of conviction by exercising his powers in line with Article 49 of the constitution.
The case centred on the August violence, which was sparked after some military men from a makeshift camp on the university campus beat a student during a football match.
The students had burst into protests against the incident and demanded withdrawal of the camp from the campus.
The melee had continued to grow and spilled over onto the streets of Dhaka and elsewhere in the country, prompting the interim government to impose curfew.
The students clashed with the police and attacked army vehicles in Dhaka and Rajshahi.
The incidents led to a raft of cases against teachers and students.
In one of the cases, which involve breach of emergency rule, a Dhaka court Monday acquitted the four teachers and 11 students of Dhaka University.
The court had convicted four students in the case but later they were forgiven by the president. The same day, 10 other Rajshahi University students and an employee also got presidential clemency.
After release from Dhaka Central Jail Tuesday, the teachers placed wreaths at the Central Shaheed Minar on their way home to the campus.
Tuesday's verdict sparked protests on the campus.
A teacher said the verdict was "stage-managed" while another teacher said it was meant to "trample the dignity of Dhaka University".
The magistrate took only one minute to read out the summary of the 36-page verdict.
The four teachers of Dhaka University were in the dock when the magistrate pronounced the verdict.
The lawyers however made competing statements.
Defence counsel advocate Masud Talukder, said: "It's a mysterious judgement. There were no lawyers for the state in court."
Additional public prosecutor Kabir Hossain said: "The teachers had violated emergency rule. In the trial procedure, there was no intervention by the government as the judiciary is free."
FAMILIES REACT
Monika Bhowmick, wife of acquitted teacher Nimchandra Bhowmick, said she was happy about the verdict on her husband.
"But I'm very upset about the verdict against his colleagues," she said.
"The nation is shocked. I came to the court in the morning to hear good news. I demand their freedom. This verdict is conspiratorial," she said.
Sanjib Hossain, son of DU professor Anwar Hossain, had earlier said: "My father has said this verdict is against the conscience of the nation. My father won't seek mercy. My father won't come out of prison as long as any of his colleagues or students remains in jail."
Immediately after the verdict, Professor Nimchandra Bhowmick had said he would not leave the jail without his colleagues.
Even after the presidential mercy, Nimchandra refused to leave the jail as one of the students was not freed yet for "technical reasons".
The DIG (prisons) referred to the Jail Code that does not allow "pardoned inmates" to stay inside. And Nimchandra obliged.
HARD DAYS
Earlier in the day, two groups of Dhaka University teachers tied to the Awami League and left parties had rejected the court verdict.
The teachers called upon people to stand beside them through the "hard days".
The teachers assembled at the Battola on the campus in a midday demonstration and protested the verdict.
"The judgment has simply wounded us. DU is passing hard days," said Muntasir Mamun, a professor of history.
"We'd request all to stand beside us as they did in the past—in 1969, 1971 and in 1990."
"Protesting injustice and misrule has been our tradition and heritage through the past century-long life of the university, leading the country and the nation to realising a number of its cherished goals, including independence," Prof Muntasir had said.
"This military-backed government wants to see us trampled under the military's boots. We'll not allow that to happen. We want our teachers be freed with honour."
Professor Mesbah Kamal said: "The teachers and students here are no criminals. They just happened to speak up when the sanctity of the university was violated."
"The prestige of DU has been undermined seriously by the mockery of a judgment delivery," Prof Abdus Samad said.
On the news of the sentencing in the morning, acting dean of the social sciences faculty AAMS Arefin Siddique said: "I've heard about the judgment, which showed that the government is ill-disposed towards the highest educational institution in the country."
"I vehemently protest this inimical attitude."
UNHAPPY STUDENTS, TIGHT SECURITY
Students of Dhaka University had also rejected the verdict.
The students brought out midday processions on the campus amid tight security to denounce the verdict.
Under three banners, the students rallied briefly when they demanded that the government stop "playing a game" with the contentious issues.
Police and other law enforcers put in place a huge security arrangement in and outside the campus to avoid any violence.
A senior police official, who talked to a bdnews24.com correspondent on the scene, preferring not to be named, said they had ordered officials to stay alert.
He said they were restricting entry of outsiders to the campus area and let the students and employees in after security checks.
Monday, January 21, 2008
Are politicians immune to pain?
Are politicians immune to pain?
By RATER ZONAKI
January 21, 2008
Source: UPI Asia Online
"I was kept blindfolded for 18 hours of the 24 hours of remand on Dec. 31. I was not taken to a police station from the Dhaka Central Jail, but somewhere else. I was tied up and suspended from the ceiling and tortured physically there while being kept blindfolded."
Most of the newspapers in Bangladesh published reports quoting Tarique Rahman, the elder son of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, describing his torture in detention during a court hearing on Jan. 9. Rahman, like his mother, is a powerful figure, although he holds no official government position.
Politicians who support the Bangladesh Nationalist Party responded critically to these allegations of torture by their party's heir apparent. Politicians from other backgrounds also commented on the issue.
"When a politician like me is tortured inhumanly in remand, what can happen to the common people?" Rahman asked court officials during the hearing.
It is good to hear such a question from Rahman. Yet it would have been appreciated much more if he had asked the same question when his party was in power. He should not forget that the government of his party adopted the policy of extrajudicial killings referred to as "crossfire" by creating the Rapid Action Battalion, which was rewarded with an Independence Day Medal instead of being punished for its crimes and violations of human rights.
A number of officers from law-enforcement agencies were promoted for carrying out the directions of ruling party leaders, including torture in custody, in which Rahman allegedly played a key role behind the scenes.
Torture had been endemic for decades as a technique of law enforcement, but new records of brutality were set under Operation Clean Heart, initiated when Rahman's mother was prime minister in 2001. However, none of the ruling party politicians admitted that custodial torture was a problem. Instead, inhumanity and impunity were institutionalized at the state level.
In Bangla language there is a saying, "Whoever goes to Lanka becomes the Raban," implying that the ruling party always becomes the tyrant. This has been literally true of the governments of Bangladesh ever since the country gained independence in 1971.
He who wears a shoe knows how it pinches. Thousands of victims, who suffered torture at the hands of various law enforcement agencies, are eager to ask what exactly it contributes to the nation. They know how it works, how it paralyzes, ruins and destroys people's thoughts, creativity, capabilities and socio-economic life. Many of them have been permanently disabled, or even lost their lives, forever leaving inexpressible shock and grief behind for their families.
However, very few politicians have had the chance, like Tareque Rahman, to experience the taste of torture in custody. Rahman is fortunate that he has not yet had the taste of "crossfire," which was his party's creation and is still in use. This would put an end to his life in the custody of the so-called elite forces of society.
Are politicians immune to pain? Have they no painful consciences? They must have realized that using torture as part of the law enforcement system is a crime against humanity. Torture contributes nothing to the nation except causing distrust, disrespect and a psychosis of fear. Rahman says he has been feeling insecure these days. Now perhaps he understands the result of torture.
It is time to determine the impact on the nation of the institutionalization of torture. Everyone related to making and implementing policy should understand that torture is the antithesis of civilization.
If politicians can suffer from torture, if they know how painful it is, they must come to a national consensus on changing the tradition of torture. It should be criminalized, in compliance with international norms and standards.
(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender based in Hong Kong and working at the Asian Human Rights Commission. He is a Bangladeshi national who worked as a grassroots human rights activist in his country for more than a decade.)
DU Professors and most Students are cleared
Breaking News: Court freed Dhaka University Professors and 11 students in one of the cases. Hearing is continuing right now. More updates are to follow:
Dhaka, Jan 21 (bdnews24.com) — A Dhaka court cleared four Dhaka University teachers and 11 students of charges Monday in one of the cases filed against them in connection with the August campus rioting at DU.
Judge Md Habibur Rahman Siddiqui of the Dhaka Metropolitan and Speedy Trial Court handed down the verdict on the case acquitting them of the charges.
The same verdict sentenced the four absconding students in the case to two years in prison and a Tk 1,000 fine each.
The judgement came after the government Thursday submitted a written appeal urging the court to fast-track the trial of the teachers and students.
The teachers are Dhaka University Teachers Association president Professor Sadrul Amin, general secretary Professor Anwar Hossain, social sciences faculty dean Professor Harun-or-Rashid and applied physics and electronics department chairman Professor Nimchandra Bhowmik.
The charges involve violations of emergency rules during days of Aug violence on Dhaka University premises.
The chaos began when some army people beat a university student during a football match in the university. The melee that later spilled over onto the streets and elsewhere in the country continued for several days.
Saturday, January 19, 2008
General Moeen at Tritio Matra
Watch forty five minute long interview of General Moeen at
Channel I:
Read an in-depth analysis on General Moeen's interview at Tritio Matra published in Bangla at Sahcalaytan
Dhaka, Jan 19 (bdnews24.com)—Army chief General Moeen U Ahmed, referring to the caretaker government, said Saturday "the train that derailed is now back on track" and now "an efficient driver is required".
On the army's role in this regard, Moeen said: "We are working as the crane in service of the government to take the train to its destination."
In an interview on Channel i talk show Tritio Matra aired Saturday, Moeen said the problem started in 2006.
"The army did not want to get involved with the 1/11 (changeover)."
"But not even animals have to die like people died on October 28, 2006."
The country must not be pushed into the path of destruction, the army chief stressed.
Mentioning the role of the political parties on Jan 11, 2007, he said: "It's the failure of the political parties. They have a lot to answer for."
On the present government's success, Moeen said: "The identification of corruption as the foremost malaise and keeping it under control is the government's success."
On the failure of the caretaker government, the army chief said: "I would not call it failure. Prices increased due to floods, cyclone and higher prices in the international market."
Emphasising food security, he said: "We have to increase production. We have to bring in hybrid seeds."
Whether the government was monitoring corruption by those within the government itself, the general said: "I am sure the government is alert about it. It will not allow that to happen."
On the recent resignations of five advisers, Moeen said the advisers resigned for their "personal reasons".
"The government wanted to bring dynamism in its actions."
Asked why institutional changes had not occurred despite changes of personnel within different institutions he retorted: "How do you get reforms if you don't have a right person in the right place?"
"First you have to place efficient persons. Then they will bring in the institutional reforms," Moeen said, citing the Election Commission as an example.
One eleven analysis Part-2
(Click here to watch the first part of One eleven analysis at Tritio Matra)
The leading political leaders, educators and a former adviser are talking about the army backed caretaker government's one year anniversary in Bangladesh. Dr. Abdul Momen from the USA, Sheikh Shahidul Islam, Begum Motia Chowdhury, Professor Ataur Rahman, former adviser M. Hafizuddin Khan and Hasanul Haque Inu are discussing politics, democracy and the interim government at Tritio Matra presented by Zillur Rahman at Channel I.
Tricky task of political transition
(We're sharing this wonderful political analysis of military regimes with our readers)
Juntas' tricky task of political transition
Source: Kerry B. Collison
2008 is shaping up to be the year when military-backed governments around the region face the tricky task of placing the administration of their respective countries back in the hands of an elected civilian leadership.
Such handovers are either already under way or have been promised in Thailand, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Even Myanmar's longserving generals have promised further progress in their 'roadmap to democracy', albeit one that enjoys little credibility in the eyes of independent observers.
Such political transitions, however, are rarely easy for military-backed governments, and this year promises to be no exception. In Thailand, the process is already well-advanced, with elections having been held on Dec 23 last year. But the task has been complicated by the fact that the People Power Party (PPP), a political grouping sympathetic to Thaksin Shinawatra (the man the generals ousted in September 2006) has become the largest in the legislature.
In Pakistan, meanwhile, polls have been postponed for six weeks after the assassination of opposition leader Benazir Bhutto on Dec 27 upset pre-election power sharing deals and plunged the country into yet more political turmoil.
Next on the list is Bangladesh. The military-backed government has promised elections no later than December. But the generals in Dhaka are not having an easy time either.
Bangladesh does not get much international attention. Unlike Pakistan, it is not perceived as being at the front line in the battle against terrorism. Nor does it get noticed - like Thailand - on the strength of its popularity as a tourist destination. And unlike Myanmar, its generals are not known for their headline grabbing brutality in suppressing civilian protests. Yet Bangladesh is as good a country as any to illustrate the political logic facing military-backed regimes in countries that take over from elected civilian administrations.
The current government in Dhaka seized power on Jan 12 last year following protracted political violence in the wake of the failure of an interim administration to hold scheduled elections. Led by former central bank governor Fakhruddin Ahmed, but backed heavily by the military, it pledged to clean up local politics, eliminate corruption and organise elections as soon as possible.
Sounds familiar? It should. Thai coup leaders said almost exactly the same thing in September 2006, and Pakistan's leader Pervez Musharraf has been promising something similar for years.
Such pledges go to the heart of the dilemma facing military regimes. The need for political legitimacy requires coup plotters to appeal to the national interest. But military regimes also have vested interests of their own, sometimes making it difficult for high-minded political objectives to be carried out. The spoils of office, for example, may prove too attractive - one reason such regimes often last longer than early announcements by the leaders of successful coups would suggest.
Then there is the need to ensure that any future government that comes to power as a result of the promised election is sympathetic to the coup plotters. No military strongman wants to hold an election only to be forced into early retirement by the winners, an outcome Thai generals will be particularly anxious to avoid right now.
The possibility that real democracy might lead to such a situation often prompts self-proclaimed national saviours to do undemocratic things. These include preventing the regime's critics from standing for election and changing the Constitution in ways that entrench the role of the military in civilian life.
Like Thailand and Pakistan, things went well in Bangladesh at first. Frustrated by years of protracted political squabbling between the conservative Bangladesh National Party (BNP) and the left-leaning Awami League (AL), the public initially welcomed the military's move. The interim government began by rounding up dozens of politicians and businessmen, including former prime ministers Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, in a widespread anti-corruption campaign.
It then initiated a crackdown on Islamic extremists, reversing a policy of tolerance pursued by the previous BNP government. Much progress was also made in separating the judiciary from the executive and improving the efficiency of key infrastructures such as the Chittagong port.
But today, with the economy in the doldrums and a series of natural disasters adding to the country's woes, the generals are probably feeling much less confident.
Partly as a result of an over-enthusiastic anti-corruption drive that has disrupted supply chains and (some argue) scared away legitimate investors, inflation and unemployment have become serious problems. High international commodity prices and natural disasters have exacerbated the situation, leading to a decline in support for the current government, particularly in the poorer rural areas.
Meanwhile, the tough response of the military to student protests in August last year has reminded Bangladeshis of past military dictatorships.
Despite the pretence of civilian rule through a group of renowned technocrats, the army is involved in almost everything the government does - from selling food to the poor to running the anti-corruption commission. And General Moeen U Ahmed, the head of the army, is frequently quoted discussing non-military matters - notably the economy.
Critics have recently been asking when the government intends to end emergency rule in order to allow political parties to campaign in the promised elections.
Compared to developments in Pakistan, Thailand and Myanmar, the activities of Bangladesh's military-backed government have not received much international attention. Yet a smooth transition to civilian rule in Dhaka could be as important as anything that is going on in Bangkok, New Delhi or Yangon.
One danger, according to Husain Haqqani, a Pakistan expert and adviser to the late Benazir Bhutto, is the 'Pakistanisation' of the country. There are certainly some uncomfortable similarities. Islamist extremist groups have been gaining influence in Bangladesh in recent years, corruption has badly weakened key national institutions, and democracy is regarded by many as a luxury best put off for the future. Should the military-backed government's transition plans stall, and existing secular parties remain unreformed, could political opposition begin to coalesce around Islamic groups widely suspected of having links to international terrorist organisations?
Shahaidul Islam, a research associate with the National University of Singapore's Institute of South Asian Studies, does not think so. He argues that Bangladeshis are strong supporters of secular government. Besides, 'the crackdown on the extremists has been very effective', and while the reforms may have caused some disruption, 'they will benefit the country in the long run'. What is crucial, he believes, is that the promised elections are held as scheduled in order to eliminate political uncertainty and encourage investors to return.
In other words, it is important to get the political transition right.
By Bruce Gale
The Straits Times
Publication Date: 18-01-2008
The perils of extremism
The perils of extremism
ANM Nurul Haque
January 19, 2008
Source: Daily Star
The suicide gun and bomb arrack on Benazir Bhutto killing her along with more than two dozen of her party activists compels us to think yet once again on the menace of endemic extremism. The people of Bangladesh hardly have any reason to feel comfortable in the thought that the government has tackled extremism effectively and thus we have got rid of militancy menace.
Defining extremism has always been a difficult exercise. It is a pejorative term used to describe the action or ideologies of individuals or groups outside the perceived political center of a society or otherwise claimed to violate common standards of ethics and reciprocity.
Extremism, particularly its religious variant has risen alarmingly in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh in the past few years which was in the making over a decade.
Some people may think that religious extremism has gone off with the execution of six key militant leaders of the banned Islamist outfit Jamatul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) including its chief Shaikh Abdur Rahman and his deputy Siddiqul Islam alias Bangla Bhai. All of them were convicted and sentenced to death for killing two judges in Jhalakathi in a suicide bomb attack on November 14, 2005.
Ever since the countrywide series of bomb blasts on August 17, 2005, RAB and police have been nabbing militants or busting their dens. The youngsters arrested by the RAB recently from different places are reported to have been enrolled as new members of the JMB. We have, therefore, serious reasons to apprehend that many of such members have been enrolled and trained by the JMB leaders to carry on its mission.
After the terror attacks on Twin-Towers, the US government enacted the Patriot Act and following the London blasts the UK government enacted the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005 with a view to tackling the terrorists.
In a bid to combat extremism, the UK government has asked the local groups in the multi-cultural British society to evolve ideas and plans for anti-extremism projects. The government has also declared that the local authorities will be able to bid for five million pound starling for trial schemes to help the Muslim communities to tackle extremism.
Our two neighbouring countries, Pakistan and India are quite unfortunate to witness the ugliest face of extremism repeatedly. Before assassination on December 27, Benazir Bhutto faced another worst suicide attack in Karachi within hours of her return from an eight-year exile which killed at least 138 people.
Before diminution of shockwave of this dastardly attack on Benazir, a bomb blast in a mosque in Peshwar on the day of holy Eid-ul-Azha left 56 people killed and scores injured. This suicide bombing inside the mosque was carried targeting a former interior minister of Pakistan.
A suicide bomber killed at least 15 people, including a senior judge, when the bomber blew himself up inside a court in Quetta, Pakistan. The explosion hit when hundreds of people were inside the compound for court cases and police inquiries.
Seven bombs went off on July 11, 2006 in Mumbai's rush hour trains at seven different spots causing large-scale death and devastation. Hell broke loose again on February 19, killing as many as 67 people, mostly Pakistani nationals, when two powerful bombs went off in a Pakistan bound friendship train at Panipath, India.
Since the terrorism knows no territory, these tragedies with India and Pakistan, is no doubt an alarm for Bangladesh. The execution of six JMB kingpins, certainly not go all-out to rid the country of militancy menace. Religious extremism which has made deep penetration, might has developed cross-regional network. The caretaker government must realise the enormity of the danger that is looming large in this region and posing serious threat to peace and security.
The root of extremism is embedded in certain political, economic and social deprivation. Extremism essentially reflects on long but unsuccessful struggle to bring about changes in the state structures. This is a prime cause of frightening rise of extremism in this region.
The failure of Pakistani government in containing religious extremism in the country lies in the fact that, it did not tackle the crisis effecting social reform and political liberalisation.
The reasons of rising religious extremism in Bangladesh, besides other things, are violation of rights of the poor and use of religion in politics. Unless the government ensures the rights of the poor through poverty alleviation and prevent the use of religion in politics, no other things will help people to wean away from the conservative hard-line attitude that is sustaining extremism in Bangladesh.
Redesigning of madrasa education, which is also liable to breed religious extremism to certain extent is imperative to save the young minds from the clutch of religious extremists. The lack of proper education and enlightened governance has enabled extremists to create pockets of support by manipulating religious teachings.
One cannot be oblivious of the fact that, the extremists have been exploiting the religious faith and sentiment of the youths and also the education that they are being imparted in madrasas. Many young minds are opening up to extremists thought specially when getting their lessons of religion being administered not by scholars but by those who have mixed their political agenda with the message of religion.
Religious extremism -- be it Islamist or Hindutva, or any other -- contribute much to the retrogressive development of the society by way of spreading terrorism. The war on terrorism has given a big boost to their dangerous agenda. The boundaries of extremism have overlapped on one end with the traditional religious political parties and on the other, with the militants.
Much remains to be done so far as measures aimed at containing the religious extremism. The assassination of Benazir multiplies the need for correcting all the faults so far done by the immediate past government here in tackling the menace before it attempts to destabilise the state structures.
The immediate past government did a lot of things for arresting the top JMB leaders but hardly did anything of substance to trace the patrons due to their alleged link with them. Demolition of the political links of the religious extremists should be on the top of the agenda, which can be dealt with severely by the caretaker government, as it has no obligation to the vote bank.
What now actually needed for containment of extremists is better performance of all the law enforcing agencies and, of course, a democratic justice delivery system. However, care must be taken in the fight against extremism, as increased repression and coercion are likely to feed it rather than reduce it.
ANM Nurul Haque is a columnist of The Daily Star.
Friday, January 18, 2008
One Eleven Analysis: Channel I
The leading political leaders, educators and a former adviser are talking about the army backed caretaker government's one year anniversary in Bangladesh. Dr. Abdul Momen from the USA, Sheikh Shahidul Islam, Begum Motia Chowdhury, Professor Ataur Rahman, former adviser M. Hafizuddin Khan and Hasanul Haque Inu are discussing politics, democracy and the interim government at Tritio Matra presented by Zillur Rahman at Channel I.
Thursday, January 17, 2008
Has US Policy Failed in Muslim South Asia?
Has US Policy Failed in Muslim South Asia?
By Sikder Haseeb Khan
Monday, 07 January 2008
Source: The Progressive Bangladesh
The assassination of Benazir Bhutto can only be seen as a setback for pro-democracy forces in South Asia. And with it, efforts to put a positive spin on US foreign policy post September 11 are looking increasingly feeble. Nothing short of a reversal is needed to rescue American interests from the dangers in Pakistan, and increasingly, in Bangladesh.
Garrison Pakistan
Pakistan’s situation has become complex, but the danger is plain and simple. Regardless of which militant group carried out the attack, most in Pakistan will continue to implicate, some directly and some indirectly, Pervez Musharraf’s administration. Bhutto was killed in a garrison town—and that too in a heavily militarized state. She complained regularly of living under threat, and noted frequently the lapses in the security detail that the government provided her.
Bhutto said as much also in her final email, written to CNN’s Wolf Blitzer with instructions to make it public in case she is killed. That was her coda to a grim family legacy: her father titled his memoirs, If I Am Assassinated. He was executed in 1979 by General Zia-ul Haq, who went on to rule Pakistan in a style emulated by General Musharraf, as well as by eager followers in Bangladesh, the other Muslim-majority country in South Asia.
Musharraf will continue to deny any involvement, and probably rightly so. But what’s more important is that Pakistan’s general populace will not buy that. The general’s hands are tied. If he takes a harder-line toward extremism, he will ignite greater violence all-around, losing more support of his military, which has become weary of fighting its own people. If he does not take a hardline approach, his government’s complicity will only seem “proven” in the eyes of Pakistanis. On top, he will stand to betray further the hope that the US administration had pinned on him.
But in the bigger picture, his complicity is through his policies, which were devised essentially to serve the bidding of the US war on terror. American use of a primarily offensive approach to win hearts and minds has hardly ever generated any goodwill, let alone favorable outcomes in the longer term. But the logic was exported to Musharraf with a generous dose of aid, and applied wholesale in Pakistan, alienating an increasingly larger group of people in the most volatile part of the world.
Copy in Bangladesh
The last two years, the US administration continued to ignore more democratic possibilities and kept on shoring up the general in Pakistan. And despite the growing signs of failure in that policy, the administration has been replicating it in Bangladesh, supporting another group of generals and their large-scale political purging there.
Under the rule of a center-right party (BNP) that the Bush administration initially supported, Bangladesh experienced a surge of bomb attacks and assassinations between 2001 and 2006. One attack blew up a well-respected former finance minister; another grenade attack, aimed to obliterate the entire leadership the main secular opposition party, claimed the lives of twenty-one, including many senior party members. These attacks were carried out under the connivance of the BNP government; investigations were deliberately stalled or derailed.
With violence increasing, the military took over, supported by Western diplomats. Generals have been ruling Bangladesh under a state of emergency since January 2007. Almost half-a-million have been detained in a massive political purge, many of them summarily convicted by special tribunals to long sentences. But the US continues to support the regime, at times displaying a type of naivete in its choice of allies and adversaries that harks back to the Chalabi era in Iraq.
There is a difference between Bangladesh and Pakistan, and it is this: Bangladesh’s rulers since 2001 have been protecting Islamist extremists, openly. So the outcome, which baffles most analysts, is that US policy has been nurturing the same type of extremist enemy in Bangladesh that it has been fighting directly in Pakistan. Over the years, this enemy has grown; confronting it head-on would be a tricky affair now.
Dictators or democracy? Choose now
The only way out of the policy failure in South Asia is to keep the original American promise: support democratic movements; don’t support dictators, including the type that glibly promises the ‘restoration’ of democracy at some convenient future date. US policy should become transparent and consistent, along the lines of its own founding principles. Dictators should be declared unwelcome, plain and square.
The calculative, interventionist alternative is messier—and as surveys of foreign policy experts show—it has just not worked. So instead of trying to create a moderate movement using a heavy hand, the US should back existing progressive movements. They exist in both Pakistan and Bangladesh. In Bangladesh, for example, despite the military government’s discomfort, a strong movement has sprung up to expose and try the Islamist war criminals, who brutalized many thousands of Bangladeshis during the 1971 liberation war. The key to the hearts and minds of the majority of Bangladeshis and Pakistanis are progressive movements such as these. If now is not the time to abandon support for dictators, once and for all, then when is?
Is Bangladesh moving towards radicalism?
Bangladesh Seminar at Hudson Institute: Watch the video from the seminar: 
View Bangladesh’s Swing to Radicalism on FORA.tv
Wednesday, January 16, 2008
Illegal detention of students and professors
Dhaka, Jan 16 (bdnews24.com) – Detained Dhaka University teacher Anwar Hossain said Wednesday that charges pressed against them were actually against the "conscience of the nation".
"The case against us is not ordinary. We—the four teachers and one student present in court—and 14 other fugitive students are not the real accused. It's Dhaka University that has been put in the dock."
"The accused are the conscience of the nation," Prof Anwar told a court in the capital where he defended himself against the charges of emergency rules violations during the days of campus violence in August.
The teacher said an intelligence agency was playing the main role in the issues tied to the August violence.
"It seems a Shahbag police official is the complainant of the case. But we know and the people know who the main forces were—against the conscience of the nation, against Dhaka University and against the teachers and students," he said.
"The members of the military intelligence agency have played the main role in framing charges. Not only that, they even attend this court regularly," Anwar alleged.
He said the charges were meant to malign the "conscience of the nation".
His statement came in the court of metropolitan magistrate M Golam Rabbani during the hearing of the defence statements by the accused.
Anwar read out a 10-page statement to the court where he described the context of the Aug violence.
He said they were no way responsible for the violence and they had just stood by the students against injustice.
The three other teachers and the student also pleaded innocent.
Prof Harun-or-Rashid said: "Nobody is above law. We are no different. Punish us if we are found guilty. Charges have been brought against us that we have violated emergency rules—state of emergency. But the government would not bring any charge against fundamentalists and anti-liberation forces who went on the rampages and brought out processions after the publication of a satire cartoon in the Prothom Alo."
"We have reviewed all papers of this case. It seems to me that all including the police official gave their statements under pressure," he said.
"We have limited wealth and powers. We cultivate knowledge. We compete for acquiring knowledge. We hope any person or any agency would not adopt any cruel measures against us. This is our country. Give us scope to build a beautiful country. I am innocent and I want fair justice," he told the court.
Dr Nimchandra Bhowmik and Dr Sadrul Amin also claimed to be innocent.
They said their names had not been included initially but they were included later "intentionally to malign us".
They said they had not been on the scene and did not give any statement during the volatile days.
Student Sardar Moniruzzaman Rubel also said he demanded "fair justice".
The violence had erupted over a chaos between the students and some troops camped at the university gymnasium.
The melee began during a football match. After some troops reportedly beat a student, the university students burst into protests, spilling over onto the streets of Dhaka and elsewhere in the country.
The court resumes Thursday for hearing of the arguments.
BBC Scotland on One Year Anniversary of 1/11
State of emergency in Bangladesh – where are we one year on?
Internal News - 15 January 2008
Source: Inside University of Bath
Dr Joe Devine from the Department of Economics & International Development was this week interviewed by BBC Radio Scotland on the political situation of Bangladesh, one year after a state of emergency was declared and a caretaker government was put in place.
Speaking on Newsweek Scotland he said that it remains unclear what kind of democracy the nation is moving towards.
Since coming to power on 11 January 2007, the military-backed caretaker government has run Bangladesh under a state of emergency and repeatedly pledged to establish a credible democracy, free from corruption and political abuse.
In order to achieve this, it launched a huge and widely-publicised crackdown on corruption and so far has detained almost 200 politicians including former prime ministers Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia. It has also begun to prepare a fresh list of voters with photographic identity cards and introduced a number of other political reforms.
Dr Devine believes that while it is difficult to gauge the mood of the general public during a state of emergency, it seems that until recently the government’s crackdown on political bigwigs has received broad support and even raised people’s hopes for change.
Over the last few months however there has been a marked escalation of public frustration with the caretaker government. In particular, it has come under pressure for its poor handling of the economy.
“2008 will be an important year for Bangladesh but it is not clear how things will unravel,” said Dr Devine.
“The caretaker government has set out a roadmap and committed to holding elections before the end of the year.
“Meanwhile it has to deal with the everyday business of running the government and this is proving difficult.
“Political leaders are pushing for the ban on political activities to be lifted as soon as possible and it is possible that they might use the public’s anger at the recent poor performance of the caretaker government to try and force this agenda.
“Any resolution, however, will depend on the role of the military. Although officially ‘supporting’ the government, the military has played a very visible role over the last 12 months sometimes heading up the most important operations of the government.
“It is unlikely that the political situation will be resolved without the approval of the military and for many in Bangladesh this is a very real threat and a source of deep concern.
“Only last year the Army Chief stated that the country should not return to an ‘elective democracy’ and that it needed instead to create a ‘new kind of democracy’.
“As the world’s fifth largest democracy enters its second year under a state of emergency, it is unclear what kind of democracy it is moving towards.”
Listen Dr. Joe Devine's analysis at BBC Scotland:
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Global Freedom Declined in 2007
Report: Global Freedom Declined in 2007
By BARRY SCHWEID
Source: AP Diplomatic Writer
January 15, 2008
Source: Newsday.com
WASHINGTON
Freedom declined in 2007 for a second consecutive year as 36 percent of the people in the world -- about half of them in China -- were not living in freedom, according to a survey by a private democracy watchdog organization.
Nearly four times as many countries showed significant declines during the year as registered improvements, the New York-based Freedom House reported. While the number of countries judged not free declined by two to 43 last year "there were many and overwhelmingly negative changes within countries already designated not free," the survey found.
The number of countries judged free stood at 90, representing 47 percent of the world's 193 countries, and those considered partly free stood at 60, or 31 percent.
Those found not free accounted for nearly 2.4 billion people, about half of them living in China.
Expectations of government concessions on human rights or modest democratic reforms in advance of the 2008 Summer Olympics did not pan out in China, where the regime continued to crack down on political activists, Internet journalists and human rights lawyers, the report said.
Reversals in freedom were seen in one-fifth of the world's countries, including Pakistan, Kenya, Egypt, Nigeria and Venezuela. One country, Mauritania, joined the list of democracies, while three, the Philippines, Bangladesh and Kenya, dropped off it.
Two countries, Thailand and Togo, were upgraded from not free to partly free.
South Asia, the former Soviet Union and the Middle East did particularly poorly, giving "an alarming signal about the development of freedom worldwide, something formerly viewed as inevitable," said Jennifer Windsor, executive director of Freedom House.
Four stark reminders of the perilous condition of freedom were singled out:
* Parliamentary elections in Russia were held under patently unfair conditions.
* Democracy in Georgia was sullied by imposition of a state of emergency and a violent police crackdown on demonstrators.
* In Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto was assassinated, and terrorism by Islamic extremists rose.
* In Kenya, hundreds were killed in rioting in the wake of "highly credible reports of vote-rigging by the government" in the country's presidential election.
in Russia, political parties and candidates who challenged President Vladimir Putin were sidelined, and the news media, largely controlled by the state and Putin's supporters, gave overwhelming coverage to the president and his allies while the opposition was kept fragmented and tame.
Using its enormous oil and gas resources, Russia exerts influence in former Soviet republics, providing political, moral and material support to authoritarian regimes that dominate Central Asia, the report said.
Three of the countries in the region, Belarus, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, have consistently ranked among the world's most repressive societies, Freedom House said.
Modest gains in the Middle East, where President Bush focused his hopes for democratic change, came to an end last year, the report said, with major declines in both the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli-occupied territories.
The Authority was down-rated from partly free to not free, due to the collapse of a unified government after Hamas took over Gaza. Israel's military incursions, restrictions on delivery of food and violent dispersal of protests led to a decline in civil liberties, Freedom House said.
On the Net: Freedom House
Expatriates review One Eleven
Watch this political discussion at ATN Bangla from January 14th about the army backed caretaker government's achievement in Bangladesh. Dr. Abdul Momen from the USA and Journalist Aminul Haque Badsha from the UK are talking about political changes and democratic prospects in Bangladesh.
Tuesday, January 15, 2008
Tribute to Selim Al Deen
Bangladesh has sadly lost one of its best stars. Professor Selim Al Deen, a legendry drama icon, passed away on January 15th at the age of 58. Daily Star reports, "Selim, a pioneer of theatre movement in Bangladesh, a researcher, an organiser and a professor of Department of Drama and Dramatics at Jahangirnagar University, was born in Shenerkhil village of Shonagazi upazila of Feni on August 18, 1949". "Bangla drama literature can be categorised into three eras -- the Girish era, the Shishir era and the Selim era. The Selim era has come to an end today," said Rahmat Ali, associate professor of Theatre and Music Department at Dhaka University.
Golam Kuddus, general secretary of Sammilito Sanskritik Jote, said, " Selim Al Deen started the modern drama movement and he is one of the best playwrights in Bangla literature."
Atiqul Haque Chowdhury, producer of Selim's first TV drama 'Ghum Nei' on BTV, said, "He was a world-class playwright and had contributed immensely to the Bangla literature. Shunning the western style, he gave a modern approach to the eastern drama. Bangladesh will not get a Selim Al Deen often."
Selim was a founder member of Dhaka Theatre. He along with Nasir Uddin Yusuf formed Bangladesh Gram Theatre in 1981-82 and Selim was its chief adviser.
His first article 'Negro Literature' was published on the literature page in the 'Dainik Pakistan' in 1968. His first radio drama ' Biporit Tomoshay' was broadcast in 1969 while his first TV drama 'Ghum Nei' in 1970.
He also compiled 'Bangla Natyakosh' -- the lone drama related anthology in Bangla. Selim Al Deen's drama is included in textbook curriculum of Dhaka University, Jahangirnagar University Jadavpur University and Rabindra Bharati University in India. He was also the originator of Fusion Theory and New Ethnic Theatre. Read Syed Badrul Ahsan's column paying respect to Professor Selim Al Deen.
Watch Professor Selim Al Deen's interview at NTV on the 50th program of Ki Kotha Tahar Sathe presented by Imdadul Haque Milon:
Stagnating under clean interim government
Stagnating Under 'Clean' Interim Government
By Farid Ahmed
Source: IPS
DHAKA, Jan 14 (IPS) - Bangladesh's military-backed interim government faced hard challenges on the political and economic fronts as it stepped into its second year on the weekend.
When the interim government came to power under a state of emergency, pledging credible polls, it enjoyed popular support. But this has given way to severe criticism over inept handling of economic issues.
The government, headed by former World Bank official Fakhruddin Ahmed, assumed office with the support of the army on Jan. 12, last year. A day earlier, the country's President Iajuddin Ahmed had imposed emergency rule to quell street violence over the conduct of national polls, originally timed for January 2007.
Soon after taking power, in an address to the nation, Fakhruddin Ahmed, also a former chief of the central bank, promised sweeping reforms in the political and electoral processes and credible elections to the parliament.
Again on Saturday, he reiterated his pledge on holding the polls, but analysts said there is no mutual trust between the political parties and the government and that the electoral process may be delayed further.
Over the last one year, Ahmed’s administration has turned down all demands for holding a dialogue with the political parties. But on Saturday Ahmed appeared to relent, saying it was imperative that the government sit down with political leaders.
Senior economist Zaid Bakht told IPS that it was necessary for the government to talk with the political parties. ‘’The government should allay the state of fear and build mutual trust,’’ said Bakht, a research director at the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies in Dhaka.
"The main challenge for the government is to hold the elections," said Talukder Moniruzzaman, a professor of political science at Dhaka University.
The government reshuffled its 11-member cabinet last week, removing five members, amid widespread criticism over the continuous rise in prices of essentials and staples, specially rice.
The state-run Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics showed that food prices hit an 11-year high of 13.8 percent in November, rising 6.65 percent last year.
The central bank on Thursday said rising prices in the international market, twin floods in July-September and the devastating cyclone in November were responsible. But clearly business confidence has also been shaken by the government's anti-corruption drive.
Economists said the government's inefficiency in running the affairs had made the people "prisoners of economic insecurity."
"I don't know what is good for us, but when there was a political turmoil, a year ago, I could buy a kg of coarse rice at a price of 20 taka (28 US cents). Now I have to spend 35 taka (50 cents) for the same," said a rickshaw (pedicab) puller Abdul Hamid in Dhaka.
Investment, both foreign and domestic, also marked a sharp decline in the last one year. According to the latest figures of the state-run Board of Investment, new proposals dipped more than 55 percent between January and November last year.
Foreign investment proposals plunged to 315.796 million dollars in the January-November period, down by about 84 per cent from 1.92 billion dollars in the corresponding period for 2006. Similarly, domestic investment was down by 36 percent in the same period, reported daily ‘New Age’ marking the government's performance of one year.
"Long-term investors were still waiting for a clear picture of the political scene," Bakht said.
Although the government succeeded in separating the judiciary from its executive branch, curbing corruption, making the Chittagong seaport effective, managing post-floods and post-cyclone situation, it failed at handling macro-economic issues, he said.
"There is political uncertainty and stagnation in economy," he said, adding that while the government has talked about carrying out political reforms, this is yet to be worked out.
Shafiqul Islam, a businessman in Dhaka, believed that political reforms would be impossible with the civil and political rights suspended under the state of emergency.
The successes of administration also included creating an independent Anti-Corruption Commission and recasting the Public Service Commission.
It also reorganised the Election Commission, and is now putting final touches on the plans to free it from control of the prime minister's office.
Chief election commissioner A.T.M. Shamsul Huda said on Wednesday: "We're firm on holding the vote by the end of this year and maybe earlier, if all the preparations are complete."
The commission, with the help of the army, was also preparing fresh electoral rolls with photographic identity cards to check any fraud during the voting, he said.
The commission expected to have the new electoral rolls ready by June and set the election schedule sooner than expected, he added.
In the meantime, the government will have to complete court proceedings against many senior politicians detained during the ongoing drives against corruption.
Ahmed and the army chief Moeen U. Ahmed have, on more than one occasion, said the drive was designed to clean up the politics ahead of the polls.
Among those detained are former prime ministers Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Begum Khaleda Zia, several of their family members, former ministers and a number of top businessmen and media tycoons. Only a few of them have so far been sentenced.
If convicted Hasina and her rival Khaleda, who alternated as prime minister for the last one and half decades until October 2006, will be barred from contesting in the next polls.
Hasina's Awami League and Khaleda's Bangladesh Nationalist Party have often voiced fears that jailed leaders might not get justice in trials before special anti-corruption courts.
Irene Khan, secretary-general of the London-based Amnesty International, has urged the Bangladesh government to ease the state of emergency to restore human rights and rule of law ahead of the elections.
She also urged the government, on Thursday, to initiate a dialogue with the political parties.
Nurul Kabir, editor of English-language daily ‘New Age’ told IPS that the present leadership has visibly failed to live up to the expectations that it generated in public minds a year ago.
"The reason behind the failures, I believe, are two-fold: lack of proper understanding of the need of a vibrant political process to bring in democratic reforms in an otherwise undemocratic political system and a tendency to adhere to the proposition of the politics of anti-politics," he said.
Empowering Judiciary in Bangladesh
Empowering Judiciary in Bangladesh
By Nava Thakuria
January 14, 2008
Source: Scoop
Bangladesh, though it had witnessed an eventful 2007 amidst the emergency, postponement of general election, human rights violation and the arrest of some senior most political leader, had ended the year with some positive initiatives for empowering judiciary in the poverty stricken country. Waiting for the general election within this year, the South Asian country had attracted international media attention, while its interim government separated the judiciary from the administrative clutches.
In fact, it was a big leap in search of quality democracy for Bangladesh, which had emerged as a sovereign country in 1971. Amidst apprehension against the military backed caretaker government, which took control over the country on January 12, the great news broke from the land of Bengalis. The populous country, surrounded by India, Burma and the Bay of Bengal, was in global media on November 1, the day its interim government announced the formal separation of its judiciary. And the declaration came from none other than Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed, the chief adviser to the caretaker government in a function held in the capital city Dhaka.
Inaugurating the Dhaka District Judicial Magistracy and Dhaka Metropolitan Magistracy, the chief of the government flagged off the journey of an independent judiciary in Bangladesh. "It is a great day for the nation," said Dr Ahmed, a former World Bank official, turned the head of the interim government, adding, "The judiciary is fully independent of the executive from today and from now the courts and the judges will establish rule of law without the interference of the executives."
The ceremony in the capital city coincided with the celebrations in 64 district judicial magistracies and three metropolitan magistracies of Bangladesh as well. The government has already created a total of 4,273 posts for the judicial magistracy (including 655 posts of judicial magistrate) to facilitate an effective and independent judiciary system in the country.
The civil society, media and the political parties of Bangladesh welcome the development. Haroon Habib, a Dhaka based freedom fighter turned journalist said, "The separation of judiciary was an epoch-making step, and should be considered a major milestone in Bangladesh's judicial history despite the fact that it was done when there is no political government." Appreciations came from its development partner countries like the US, UK and Germany saying that was as an important step towards strengthening democracy in Bangladesh.
The Supreme Court of Bangladesh ruled in favour of separation of the judiciary (from the executive) eight years back, but it was implemented by neither the government of Sheikh Hasina (1996-2001) nor that of Begum Khaleda Zia (2001-2006). The Awami League government of Ms Hasina had reportedly initiated a few positive steps to honour the directives of the apex court (though failed to complete the process), but the Bangladesh Nationalist Party led government of Begum Zia did nothing in this direction.
Bangladesh has now two sets of magistrates namely judicial and executive. According to the amended criteria (Code of Criminal Procedure), the judicial magistrates, primarily the judicial officers will run the courts hereafter in the country. They will be appointed by the Supreme Court and also be liable to the apex court of the country. The executive magistrates, including the deputy commissioners have been stripped of judicial powers and will exercise only executive powers.
As Bangladesh does not have provinces (thus avoiding power sharing with the province chief ministers), the deputy commissioners emerge as the most powerful executives after the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. They were however overburdened and those executive magistrates had to perform their duties in a complex structure. While their primary responsibilities remain as revenue collectors, they have to play the role of administrators too. In addition, the executive magistrates had to deliver justice, though most of them lacked credible knowledge of law.
The challenges now lay ahead of the judges and other judicial officials. Barrister Mainul Hosein, the Adviser for Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs to the caretaker government described, "We (the government) have separated the judiciary from the interference of the executive not as a favour to the judges, but to assign them with the heavy responsibility of upholding justice and contributing to good governance as contemplated by the Constitution."
The initiative to get the judiciary separated in Bangladesh received momentum following the Supreme Court directive that came after a writ petition filed by Masder Hossain (who was then a sub-judge in Dhaka) with hundreds of other colleagues in 1995. The High Court on May 7, 1997 delivered the verdict in favour of the separation of judicial services from other services in Bangladesh. The country's finance ministry appealed against the verdict in the Supreme Court. But the apex court dismissed the appeal and pronounced its judgment on December 2, 1999 detailing a 12-point directive.
The British during their colonial rule in the Indian sub continent (comprising today's India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and parts of Burma) introduced the magistracy, where collectors were empowered with judiciary authority. It was in fact with an inherent aim to maintain direct control over the magistracy by the colonial government.
The demand for separation of judiciary started gaining momentum in the time of colonial rule itself. Awami League, since its inception in 1949 raised a voice for separation of power and it continued even after Bangladesh was created. The provision for separation of judiciary was introduced in Bangladesh's constitution saying, "The state shall ensure the separation of the judiciary from the executive organs of the state."
Soon after the government declaration (of separation of judiciary in Bangladesh), a satisfied Masder Hossain asserted that the initiative would prove a success in due course of time. Answering queries of local reporters, Masder Hossain (now a judge) added, "Oppressed people suffered a lot of harassment on way to get justice. I only wish with the separation of judiciary, justice seekers get fair justice swiftly without spending much."
But the suspicion and confusion about the new legal system are still paddling in the minds of the people. Mustafa Kamal Majumder, the editor of The New Nation, a Dhaka based daily says, "It is definitely a long felt demand met. But the question arises, how efficiently the sufficient number of judges (more precisely to talk about the quality) are appointed to fill the void left by administrative officers."
Statistics reveal that 484,832 cases (as of February 28) are pending with the courts of magistrates across Bangladesh that has a population of over 140 million. Moreover, for a layman, justice delayed is always understood as justice denied. The amazing trial of strength of the independent judiciary in Bangladesh will lie on how it deals with the trials of some very prominent politicians including the two former premiers (Begum Zia and Ms Hasina), who are presently serving jail terms for corruption and misuse of power during their respective reigns.
Exhibition on Shipbreaking in Bangladesh
EXHIBITION: Steel Beach - Shipbreaking in Bangladesh
8 February - 30 March 2008
Australian National Maritime Museum, Darling Harbour
Skeletons of half-scrapped ships and workers tearing them apart on the mud-flats of Bangladesh are vividly captured in a new photographic exhibition coming to the Australian National Maritime Museum.
Steel Beach - Shipbreaking in Bangladesh draws together more than 40 images by Sydney photographer Andrew Bell to show the tough reality and dangers of the unregulated shipbreaking industry.
Near the town of Sitakunda, on the mud flats of the Bay of Bengal, the beach graveyard for old ships stretches more than 25 kilometres. It is home to approximately 65 separately owned ship scrap-yards and more than 40,000 workers.
Andrew Bell's photographs capture the unwanted oil tankers, passenger liners and fishing boats beached on these mud-flats where thousands of labourers work with blowtorches, hammers and brute strength to dismantle and recycle every inch of the giant steel structures.
He portays the dangerous conditions the labourers work under without basic safety equipment.
His photographs also show the immense task of recycling these ships, from the removal of all electronics, fittings, furniture, pipes, wiring, bolts and heavy mechanical equipment to the oil from the ship's bottom and the steel structure itself. Breaking a sizable ship takes about six months.
Bell trained in London and has been a photographer for more than 30 years. He has travelled extensively with his camera including documenting the tribes of Kenya, Chernobyl, and the Swenkas of Soweto (South Africa).
He first became fascinated by the shipbreaking industry in Bangladesh when coming upon an article on the Greenpeace website. Astounded at the working conditions and the "industrial wasteland" of the beach, Bell has been to Bangladesh three times in an ongoing project to to document this dangerous industry and its workers.
Steel Beach - Shipbreaking in Bangladesh opens to the public on 8 February 2008, admission free. It will remain on view until 30 March.
The Australian National Maritime Museum, in Darling Harbour, is open daily from 9.30 am to 5 pm. All inquiries (02) 9298 3777 or visit http://www.anmm.gov.au/
Monday, January 14, 2008
Deshi Voice observes first anniversary
Deshi Voice, a group blog, is going to observe its first anniversary on January 27th. We are committed to continuously raise and reflect all the issues, challenges, and prospects that we are experiencing in today's Bangladesh. We welcome your feedback, comments and concerns about our blog. You can share your thoughts with us at voice4bd at gmail dot com Thank you for staying with us.
News analysis of a dramatic trial
বাংলাদেশে চলছে নাটকীয় বিচার। প্রাক্তন প্রধানমন্ত্রী শেখ হাসিনার বিরুদ্ধে চাঁদাবাজির মামলার প্রক্রিয়া শুরু হয়েছে। প্রধানমন্ত্রী থাকা অবস্থায় তিনি জনৈক আজম চৌধুরীর নিকট থেকে তিন কোটি চাঁদা নিয়েছেন বলে সামরিক সরকার তাঁর বিরুদ্ধে মামলা করেছে। অবশ্য সামরিক গোয়েন্দা বাহিনীর লোকজনের হাতে মামলাকারী উধাও হন। তারপর মামলা দায়ের করার পর পরই তিনি মু্ক্তি পেয়ে বাড়ী ফেরেন। বর্তমান সামরিক সরকার তাঁর হাঁটুতে নেমে আসা বুদ্ধি দিয়ে এই নাটকীয় মামলায় নেমেছে। এর আইনগত বা প্রামাণিক সত্যতা নিয়ে আইন বিশেষজ্ঞসহ সাধারণ মানুষের মনে যথেস্ট সংশয় ও প্রশ্ন আছে। আজকের চ্যানেল আইনে প্রচারিত আজকের সংবাদপত্রের আলোচনায় অবজার্ভার পত্রিকার সম্পাদক সাংবাদিক ইকবাল সোবহান চৌধুরীর আলোচনার ভিডিওটি এখানে দেখুন:
বর্তমান সামরিক সরকার তার মাইনাস ফর্মুলা বাস্তবায়নের জন্য যে প্রক্রিয়া আর পদ্ধতি গ্রহণ করেছে তা যথেস্ট হাস্যকর। এর ফলে সরকার যে বিচার ব্যবস্থার স্বচ্ছতাকে নির্মমভাবে বলি দিচ্ছে তা বলার অপেক্ষা রাখে না। বিচারের জন্য এধরণের রাখঢাক করে সাজানো মামলা দিয়ে সরকার নিজের রাজনৈতিক এজেন্ডাকে জনগণের কাছে স্পস্ট করছে। এই মামলার অভিযোগের দূর্বলতা ও অস্পস্টতার বিশদ বিশ্লেষণ করেছে এশিয়ান সেন্টার অব হিউম্যান রাইটস। অবশ্য সরকার তার পছন্দের পথে এগোবে। এর মধ্যে আছে নির্বোধদের ঔদ্ধত্য। তা হাস্যকর হলেও সমস্যা নেই। এর আইনগত দূর্বলতা থাকলেও সমস্যা নেই। গোয়ার্তুমির কাছে যুক্তি খাটে না।
Sunday, January 13, 2008
Trial Episode 1: Sheikh Hasina
Watch today's news coverage on Sheikh Hasina's trial:
BDnews24 reports,
Earlier during the trial, Hasina said: "I know I won't get justice. I want justice from Allah and people."
"I have struggled all my life for democracy. I will struggle more. But I have never agreed to any military dictator's coming to power or becoming president. Military dictators have captured power in this country time and again."
Hasina described the chief adviser's address to the nation as a "lie".
"The chief adviser said the trial of politicians was going on under law. This is worse than trial. This is in-camera trial. This is against the constitution."
At the time, the judge intervened and told Hasina, "Instead of saying all this, tell us whether you are guilty or innocent."
The comment prompted lawyers to heckle the judge.
Hasina called for calm.
The Awami League president continued: "The Election Commission has said they will hold the election by December, as per their roadmap. However, where there is no road, where do you get the map?"
The embattled party chief also demanded the unconditional release of all students and teachers of Dhaka University detained following the campus unrest last August.
"Defaming a teacher is shameful for the nation. The nation will not tolerate this shame. They don't want the nation to become educated," she said.
To the judge, Hasina said: "Why is everything revealed to you from a special place. You have no power to do anything against them. If you do, you may be in trouble."
"I wanted to resist vote rigging by the four-party alliance in order to establish the people's right to vote. This is my big crime."
"I was abroad attending to my ailing daughter when the cases were filed against me. I was then told that if I did not return to the country the cases would be withdrawn against me."
"I am now facing these false cases because I refused to agree to their proposal," Hasina said.
The former premier said: "I don't know Azam Jahangir Chowdhury. I have never even met him. How then could I take bribe from him?"
"Around 4,300 megawatts of power were produced during my tenure. How was so much electricity produced if I took bribes?"
"I want to tell the nation through the court that I'm a daughter of the Father of the Nation."
"I myself became prime minister and have never taken one taka through corruption. I'm completely innocent. How can I tolerate such defamation?"
Hasina said she had given the family's Dhanmondi home to the nation and that 1,200 students were continuing their studies through the Bangabandhu Memorial Trust.
She claimed 982 students had had their education suspended due to the case.
Hasina claimed that she had not had full access to her lawyer: "I have been kept in solitary confinement," she said.
"Allah protected me from the attacks on August 15 and August 21. But now they want to kill me off politically. This case has been filed to smear me in front of the people," Hasina alleged.
Breaking News: Court frames charges against Sheikh Hasina
BREAKING NEWS
Court frames charges of extortion against Hasina, Rehana, Selim
Dhaka, Jan 13 (bdnews24.com) – A Dhaka court Sunday framed the charges of extortion against Sheikh Hasina, her sister Sheikh Rehana and their cousin Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim for trial proceedings to go ahead.
Metropolitan sessions judge Md Azizul Haque framed the charges against them and set Jan 17 for starting testimony of the witnesses, a bdnews24.com correspondent reported from the makeshift court on the Sangsad Bhaban premises.
The judge rejected the arguments by the defence counsels that the charges should not proceed further.
Hasina was in the dock when the judge framed the charges. Selim, a former cabinet member under Hasina's premiership, also witnessed the charge-framing. Rehana lives in London, and the prosecution showed her as a fugitive.
They are facing charges of extorting some Tk 3 crore from a businessman when Hasina was in office in 1996-2001.
Hasina's counsels said they would challenge the latest decision in the higher court.
They also requested the court to adjourn Sunday's proceedings for 21 days to make room for the appeal to the higher court but the judge refused to do so and framed the charges.
The judge read out the charges and asked Hasina if she was guilty.
Hasina said: "I am completely innocent. The case has been filed as part of a conspiracy. Allah has saved me on Aug15 and Aug21. Now the government is out to malign me before people. This trial is illegal."
"This is an 'in camera' trial. The case is illegal in line with the constitution. It is aimed at preventing me from contesting the polls."
The former prime minister told the judge: "You are not independent although the judiciary is free. You get messages from special places. You have no way to disobey them."
The former prime minister said she was facing the present condition because she did not agree to allow that a military dictator would come to power.
"I have fought for democracy throughout my life. I will call upon the people to continue to fight for that cause. There's nothing better than democracy."
On June 13 last year, businessman Azam J Chowdhury filed the case against Hasina and Selim, accusing them of giving them some Tk3 crore in extortion.
Azam said he was forced to pay the money, otherwise the accused had threatened to cancel the project.
Hasina was arrested on July 16 last year at her Sudha Sadan home in Dhanmondi. Hours after her arrest, she was sent to a special jail awaiting trial.
The Awami League said it would continue to fight legally to free the detained leader.
Chief Adviser addressed the nation
Four former student leaders Zahiruddin Shapan, Fazlur Rahman, Shirin Akhter and Mahmudur Rahman Manna are talking about the caretaker government and future of national politics in Bangladesh. Watch this interesting hour long discussion at Tritio Matra moderated by Zillur Rahman at Channel I.
Daily Star reports,
Chief Adviser Fakhruddin Ahmed yesterday said the government is considering lifting restrictions on indoor politics countrywide and gradually relaxing the state of emergency depending on 'needs and circumstances'.
Addressing the nation on the first anniversary of the caretaker government in office, he said his administration would soon move to open dialogue with political parties in line with the decision taken by the advisory council Thursday.
"I hope the political parties will capitalise on this situation to be democratic and free of corruption. The sooner it happens, the better," said Fakhruddin.
In his speech, he outlined various steps and achievements of the government since taking over on January 12 last year.
"We hope the government, Election Commission and the political parties will hold discussions between themselves to pave the way for an ascent to democracy," he added.
"I reaffirm our commitment to holding the national election by December 2008 and if possible even earlier," said the chief adviser, who in his maiden address to the nation on January 21 last year pledged to have the stalled ninth parliamentary election held as early as possible.
"The government has been trying to create a level playing field for everyone so the election is free, fair and acceptable," he observed.
He said he hopes to see a democratically elected government by this time next year and that government would be dedicated to meeting the basic needs of the people.
Calling on everyone including the political parties to establish honest and competent leadership at all levels, Fakhruddin said, "In accordance with your wishes, we will surely hold an election acceptable to all, free from terrorism and influence of black money and muscle power."
"Such a spontaneous transition is rare in the world history. But we are going to do that because we believe democracy has no alternative," he noted.
Amid growing political violence and public displeasure, President Iajuddin Ahmed stepped down as the chief adviser along with 10 other advisers on January 11 last year.
The same day he declared the state of emergency and cancelled the election scheduled for January 22.
The next day former Bangladesh Bank governor Fakhruddin Ahmed was sworn in as chief adviser.
The new caretaker government slapped a ban on indoor politics on March 7. The curbs were lifted on September 10 but only for the capital.
Political parties have long been calling for a complete withdrawal of restrictions on politics. Besides, they have been asking the government to open dialogues with them to clear doubts over the conduct of polls.
In his address last night, the chief adviser repeatedly said the election would be held within the time envisaged in the Election Commission's electoral roadmap.
He said he hopes 2008 would be a watershed year marking a transition to a true democracy fulfilling public aspirations.
Turning to last week's cabinet shake-up, he said the replacements for five advisers and appointment of special assistants would revitalise the advisory council.
Assuring the people that his government is not interfering in the EC's work, Fakhruddin said electoral rules would be reformed once the commission is over and done with its dialogue with the political parties.
He said the government has set up Regulatory Reform Commission, separated the judiciary from the executive and reconstituted the Anti-Corruption Commission, Public Service Commission and University Grants Commission to promote good governance.
He added that the government's anti-corruption drives have been a signal that no-one would be spared if found guilty.
The former World Bank official said despite political turmoil and spiked prices of oil and other commodities on the global market in last fiscal year, the country clocked a GDP growth of 6.5 percent thanks to significant growth of industry and service sectors.
Citing formation of the Better Business Forum among other initiatives to improve the business climate, he said exports and investment are going up after a lull in the first three quarters of 2007.
He acknowledged that low- and fixed-income groups have been hit hard by soaring prices of essentials that, he said, were the result of international price hike, a 15 lakh tonnes shortfall in food grains and havoc caused by back-to-back floods and Cyclone Sidr.
Hoping that rice prices would come down further, Fakhruddin said the government has imported rice, launched open market sales and Vulnerable Group Feeding (VGF) programmes to tackle the crisis.
There's no alternative to prioritising agriculture if the prices of commodities are to be kept within the people's reach, he said adding that the government will do everything necessary to ensure a bumper Boro yield.
It has already taken steps to import fertiliser and give greater farm subsidy. Besides, it has allocated Tk 350 crore for agriculture research, added Fakhruddin.
He also said the administration has received accolades for taking precautionary measures that kept casualties and damage in the November 15 cyclone low.
He said power generation, development in communications sector and manpower export figure high on the government's priority list.
Saturday, January 12, 2008
Bangaldesh: A year of Emergency
Bangaldesh: A year of Emergency
929 people detained, 395 are still under detention, 176 encountered to death
Source: MyNews
By: Ch. Narendra
January 12, 2008
Dhaka-based human rights group Odhikar urged the Bangladesh authorities to lift state of emergency in the country and restore fundamental rights. Releasing a report highlighting the human rights situation in the country during the yearlong period of emergency, it stressed the need to create an enabling environment for dialogue, change and democratic polity.
A State of Emergency was proclaimed by President Iajuddin Ahmed on 11 January 11, last year. It asked to establish a human rights friendly environment and by releasing of all political prisoners. If there are allegations against any person, trials should be conducted respecting human rights and ensuring due process of law, in an open and transparent manner to ensure justice.
It also seek release of teachers, students, employees arrested after the August 2007 campus protest, intimidation of the media and withdraw legal cases filed against jute-mill and garments workers for violating the State of Emergency. It said that extra-judicial killings, torture and indiscriminate arrests should be stopped immediately and independent judicial inquiries into all extra-judicial killings be held, perpetrators prosecuted and victims be awarded adequate reparations.
Odhikar deplored that reports on serious and credible allegations of torture and violations of human rights continued to cause concern throughout the year of emergency. Suspects were picked up by the law enforcement agencies; detained, and tortured while they were in custody.
Another kind of torture was reported during the period when people were taken into remand in order to extract evidence to use against them or others, especially those allegedly accused of corruption or crime. On many occasions, the arrestees were tortured into giving confessional statements, while some were even threatened with death by "crossfire".
In one reported case, that Sheikh Selim, Presidium Member of Bangladesh Awami League, it was alleged that he was threatened with death by "crossfire" for refusing to testify against others. The Joint Secretary General of BNP Tarique Rahman also informed the Court that during his last period of remand, he was blindfolded for 18 out of 24 hours, tied up and suspended from the ceiling and tortured.
Since the State of Emergency it was reported that 929 people were detained under the Special Powers Act 1974 alone. Most of these detainees are political persons. Among them 395 people are still under detention. After arrest in many cases, it was reported that the detainees were not brought before the Magistrate within the constitutionally mandated timeframe, then detained for an indefinite period and left to languish in overcrowded prison cells.
During the year of State of Emergency, the freedom fighter Gazi Golam Dastagir, businessman Quamrul Huda and many others were abducted and illegally detained for an indefinite period. Extrajudicial killings continued unabated during the one-year of Emergency. During this year, 176 people have reportedly been extra- judicially killed by Bangladeshi law enforcement agencies. Among them a total of 66 people died while in custody of law enforcement agencies.
Of the 176 people extra-judicially killed, it was reported that 123 people were killed in so-called "crossfire"/encounter /gunfight/ shootout, 27 people were tortured to death, 15 were shot dead in circumstances other than "crossfire"/encounter/gunfight /shootout and there were 11 deaths in other circumstances.
During the one year of State of Emergency, the Government demolished a number of slums and evicted many roadside hawkers. This caused serious human rights violations as the actions directly affected their rights to livelihood and shelter.
During this period, cases were filed against numerous unidentified individuals, raising genuine apprehensions that this constituted a gross abuse of the legal process and opened up opportunities for future harassment by implicating arrestees in such cases.
During the one year of state of emergency, the Government pursed a policy of termination of the jute mill workers of state- run jute mills, instead of taking a pro-active policy to make the concerned industries viable, and made the human rights situation of those affected further vulnerable. A Number of cases were filed against jute-mill and garments factory workers as many of them demonstrated against lay off and non- payment, allegedly violating the State of Emergency.
Odhikar is concerned about the impact of the Emergency Powers Rules on freedom of expression and, in particular, on media freedom. In August 2007, the Government specifically asked Ekushey Television (ETV) and CSB News to refrain from broadcasting any provocative news, documentaries, talk shows and discussions critical of the government.
In separate orders, the Government held that it can ban or attach conditions on broadcasting provocative news, documentaries, talk-shows and discussions critical of the government under powers given to it by Article 5 of the Emergency Powers Rules 2007.
These restrictions were imposed following broadcasting of reports on the campus protest in Dhaka University and other places in August. A number of journalists were assaulted, beaten and injured by the security forces during enforcement of curfew.
It was reported that between 12 January 2007 and 10 January 2008, at least 33 journalists were injured, 9 arrested, 35 assaulted and 78 threatened. During this period, 1 journalist''s house had been attacked, 13 cases filed and there was 1 incident where a journalist was forced to sign a document not to publish a report without prior permission of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR).
Odhikar's Acting Director ASM Nasiruddin Elan was taken to the Naval Headquarter on 3 May 2007 where captain Zubayer, Director of Naval Intelligence, along with 3 other associates, intimidated and harassed him for preparing the reports and threatened him with death. Odhikar's Kushtia based Human Rights Defender, Hasan Ali, who carried out a number of fact finding missions on extrajudicial killings, was also taken to Kushtia Sadar Police Station on December 4, 2007, where he endured severe physical assault by the police.
Human Rights in Bangladesh under the State of Emergency
One Year On: Human Rights in Bangladesh under the State of Emergency
Source: Amnesty International
10 January 2008
(Dhaka) Amnesty International today concluded its high level mission to Bangladesh. The delegation, led by Secretary General, Irene Khan, met with a wide range of civil society groups and leaders, took testimony from survivors and victims of human rights violations. It visited Rajshahi and Tangail. The delegation met the Chief Advisor, Dr Fakhruddin Ahmedf, the Adviser for Foreign Affairs, Dr Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, and the Chief of Army Staff, General Mueen Ahmed. The delegation also met with leaders of the main political parties.
On behalf of the delegation, Ms. Khan launched a memorandum of recommendations to the government and political parties, and gave this summary statement to the press:
For many decades the rule of law in Bangladesh has been subverted by political interference, weak institutions and disregard for human rights. The powerful and the privileged have been able to act with impunity, with no fear of being called to account. Abuse of power was the norm, marked by a growing nexus between political violence and organized crime. The poorest people have been often the most vulnerable to abuse and least able to find redress.
Amnesty International’s assessment of the human rights situation today and its recommendations for the future has to be made against that background. By placing the current situation in the context of a long history of human rights violations, Amnesty International wants to emphasize that:
• major institutional reform is absolutely necessary for the rule of law to be instituted in Bangladesh
• this government has both an opportunity and responsibility to undertake or initiate those reforms.
That does not mean the current human rights situation is satisfactory. On the contrary, Amnesty International has seen some familiar patterns of human rights abuses continuing under this regime that this government must address with more vigour than it has done so far. AI has also found new patterns of human rights violations emerging for which this government is responsible and which it has done little to address.
Key concerns
Familiar patterns of human rights abuse by the police, RAB, Joint Forces, security and other law enforcement officials continue with impunity. The CTG has claimed that numbers of extra-judicial killings have fallen in 2007, as compared to previous years. However we are deeply concerned that no investigation into any of these incidents has ever been published and to our knowledge no member of the armed forces has been ever brought to court to be prosecuted for any of the killings. That was the situation in the past under a democratic government. That is also the situation under the present CTG.
• The case of Cholesh Richil is very well-known – government has informed us that the inquiry has been completed and that the army has taken some action following that. But despite our strong and repeated requests, the government gave us no assurance to publish the report or to take steps to prosecute those responsible. This is extremely disappointing given the commitment of this government to establish transparency and accountability.
• Rang Lai Mro, a prominent leader of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, was reportedly tortured by army personnel after his arrest in February 2007 and in a police station after his conviction in October 2007. No action as been taken to investigate the allegations of torture.
• The AI delegation met with Jahangir Alam Akash, a journalist and human rights activist, who was arrested and beaten by RAB in Rajshahi in October 2007. Not only has there been no investigation into the case, Akash is afraid of further retaliation for his public exposure of RAB’s tactics.
• Tasneem Khalil, a journalist and human rights activist, was detained on 11 May 2007 and allegedly tortured because he had reported on human rights violations and had contacted international human rights organizations.
These cases show that the familiar pattern of the state attacking human rights defenders, social activists, journalists and others who either dissent from the government or expose violations committed by the government has continued unabated.
If the government fails to respond adequately to these very prominent, high-profile cases, then well-known cases will be given even less recourse to justice. This is unacceptable.
A pattern of killings, portrayed by the government as deaths in crossfire, has marked the operations of the RAB since it was established in 2004. Yet under the Armed Police Battalion Ordinance (as amended) that empowers the RAB, the RAB enjoys wide immunity from prosecution. Under the current Emergency Rules all law enforcement agencies, including the police and joint forces cannot be prosecuted “for anything done in good faith”. This language, common in many laws concerning the security forces, institutionalizes impunity. Granting such sweeping immunity to law enforcement personnel is a clear breach of international law.
Amnesty International considers that the use of the military in policing operations is not a sustainable, long-term solution to law enforcement problems. Military personnel are not trained for law enforcement duties. The answer lies in creating a reformed and effective police force. We have noted the effort of the CTG to reform the police. We have included in our memorandum recommendations about the reform.
Amnesty International is also concerned about the creeping role of the armed forces in a range of functions, with no clear rules of accountability, that should rightly be carried out by the civilian administration.
Amnesty International believes that allegations of human rights abuses against personnel of the armed forces must be investigated and prosecuted by the civilian criminal justice system. Currently only rape and murder cases are referred to civilian courts. This should be expanded to include other serious human rights violations including in particular torture and ill treatment. I hope the military leadership will consider our recommendation seriously – we believe it will both ensure justice and instil confidence in the public that no one in Bangladesh is above the law.
The practice of using armed forces in law enforcement and granting them immunity from prosecution was instituted under a democratically elected civilian government. Amnesty International urges all political parties to commit themselves in their manifesto to stop the practice in future.
New patterns of manipulating due process have emerged in cases dealing with corruption and political abuse
The persistent and widespread use of preventive detention without charge or trial in Bangladesh is not new. The Special Powers Act (SPA) 1974 has been used by various administrations as a tool for detaining critics and political opponents.
The Caretaker Government has continued the same practice. It has used the SPA to detain prominent politicians and businessmen accused of corruption-related offences as well as journalists and individuals accused of bomb blasts.
The SPA now applies to offences set out in the Emergency Powers Rules (EPRs) 2007, giving far-reaching powers to law enforcement agencies. Detainees charged under the EPRs are automatically deprived of a number of legal protections, including bail.
Amnesty International believes that some aspects of the emergency regulations have been framed too broadly or are being implemented in a manner in which they violate due process rights of detainees, and should be urgently reviewed and amended.
While the goal of combating economic crime and abuse of political power is important, it will ultimately not be served by proceedings that cut corners on due process, which violate international human rights standards. A state of emergency can never be invoked as grounds for arbitrary deprivation of liberty or denial of fundamental principles of fair trial.
Amnesty International calls on the Caretaker Government to scrupulously adhere to due process and the rule of law, respect fair trial standards, end arbitrary detention, and reinstate the provisions for bail.
Amnesty International has asked previous democratically elected governments to repeal the 1974 Special Powers Act – Amnesty International now asks the CTG to suspend it until a new Parliament can consider its repeal.
State of emergency
Certain human rights have been curtailed under the emergency regulations. There is concern particularly about media freedom and freedom of expression, assembly and association. International law permits derogations or restrictions on these rights during a state of emergency but puts very stringent restrictions on such derogations.
Amnesty International believes that some of the restrictions imposed through the Emergency Powers Rules (EPRs) exceed what is permissible under international law in the current situation in Bangladesh.
Amnesty International believes that the current rules and restrictions on freedom of expression, assembly and association are too widely framed and are being selectively applied, creating uncertainty and fear.
Amnesty International has protested against the arrest and prosecution of the Rajshahi and Dhaka University lecturers. Amnesty International considered the Rajshahi teachers to have been prisoners of conscience. Amnesty International considers the four Dhaka University lecturers, currently under trial, to be prisoners of conscience and calls for their immediate and unconditional release.
We call on the CTG to urgently review and amend the restrictions on rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association invoked under the state of emergency.
We believe such amendments should be a first step towards the lifting of the state of emergency. A state of emergency is by nature temporary and, therefore, should not be used as a long-term mode of governance.
Looking ahead
Tomorrow will be the first anniversary of the state of emergency. This is an opportunity for the CTG to announce publicly its commitment to upholding human rights, to recognize where it is falling short, to communicate where it has made progress and to set out a clear plan for concrete action in 2008 for human rights reform.
In my meetings with the Chief Advisor, the Chief of Army and the Foreign Affairs Advisor, they all stressed their commitment to ensure free and fair elections by the end of 2008. They also pointed out their fight against corruption and in favour of electoral reform.
Amnesty International strongly believes that no effort to tackle corruption or bring about electoral reform will succeed without a strong and unequivocal commitment to the rule of law and respect for human rights by all state institutions and officials. The culture of impunity and non-accountability that has persisted for decades must end. This requires institutional reform. It is a long-term endeavour but the CTG has a unique window of opportunity to implement key human rights reform.
Amnesty International acknowledges the important steps that the CTG has already taken to separate the judiciary from the executive, to initiate police reform, to introduce law on the right to information, and set up a national human rights commission. Our memorandum contains detailed recommendations on each of those issues.
In particular
National Human Rights Commission
Amnesty International urges the Caretaker Government to ensure that the National Human Rights Commission is set up in accordance with international principles, which require it to be independent of the government; diverse in membership; to have a broad mandate, adequate powers of investigation and adequate resources. Its mandate must also include investigation of abuses by armed forces and security officials. I was pleased to note that the Chief Advisor agreed on this latter point.
There should be a clear timeline for making the NHRC operational and transparent. There should also be an inclusive process for selecting the membership. The leadership of the NHRC will be critical to its survival and therefore places a particular responsibility on the CTG to ensure that it is properly done.
Judiciary
The Caretaker Government has taken significant and welcome steps in separating the judiciary from the executive. Yet guaranteeing the independence of the judiciary requires more than the separation of the executive from the judiciary. They must ensure that judicial appointments are made on merit, that security of tenure is properly assured and that patterns of political patronage and interference are broken.
Police reform
Effective policing requires the support of local communities, yet public mistrust in the police is pervasive and cannot be restored unless there is professional, competent and effective police reform. That is a long-term endeavour. But there are some key initiatives that the CTG can begin. As well as the preparation of a draft Police Ordinance, Amnesty International would also encourage it to consider an independent police complaints mechanism to bring about accountability to the police system and give it operational independence from the executive to carry out its functions without political interference.
Freedom of information
Amnesty International welcomes the commitment made by the Caretaker Government to pass legislation on the right to information. In Bangladesh, where extreme poverty and lack of access to basic services are widespread, the right to information is potentially of great significance to some of the most vulnerable and marginalized groups.
However, the benefits of the proposed law will only be forthcoming if the law is in line with international standards, is well-established by appropriate mechanisms and resources, and if people are made aware of it. Amnesty International therefore urges the Caretaker Government to make the draft law widely available for consultation.
Consultation
This is a CTG – an interim administration without a popular mandate. There is an imperative on the CTG to communicate and build public support. Amnesty International calls on the Caretaker Government to set up regular, extensive and substantive consultations with civil society groups, including grassroots organizations, on all proposals for human rights reforms and actions to end impunity. Human rights are an endeavour of people – their experience and views will give value to the work of the CTG and must be seen not as an adjunct but as an essential element of the work of the CTG.
The CTG must also open political dialogue with political parties – not only on political reform but also on human rights reform. Civil society must also be as rigorous in demanding that political parties demonstrate clear commitment to human rights, as they are vigilant about the performance of the CTG on human rights. Political parties must commit themselves in the run-up to the elections to supporting and undertaking initiatives that enhance protection of and respect for human rights. After elections, they must ensure that parliament entrenches the reforms through legislation where necessary.
The human rights history of Bangladesh is bound by a red thread of impunity and denial of human rights abuses. It goes all the way back to the war crimes and crimes against humanity during 1971. There is a fresh call for justice now – it should not be politicised into a witch hunt of particular individuals but should be used as an impartial and transparent opportunity to seek truth, justice and reparations for the victims, and to heal the wounds in the national psyche. This unelected government should have the courage to do what other elected governments have failed to do – it should seek advice and assistance from the UN to open an independent commission of enquiry. That will be a visible symbol of a new commitment in Bangladesh to human rights and the rule of law.
Let 1/11 be a day for renewing hope.
Rajakar Hannan and Chief Justice
প্রধান বিচারপতি রুহুল আমীন বলেছেন, ইসলামী আইনই একমাত্র দুর্নীতি প্রতিরোধে নৈতিকতা শিক্ষা দেয়। গতকাল শুক্রবার রাজধানীর বিয়াম মিলনায়তনে ‘ইসলামী আইন ও সমকালীন সমাজে এর অবদান' শীর্ষক আন্তর্জাতিক সেমিনারের উদ্বোধনী অনুষ্ঠানে প্রধান বিচারপতি রুহুল আমীন প্রধান অতিথির ভাষণে একথা বলেন। দুই দিনব্যাপী আন্তর্জাতিক সেমিনারটির আয়োজন করেন বাংলাদেশ ইনস্টিটিউট অব ইসলামিক থট (বিআইআইটি) ও ইসলামিক ল' রিসার্চ সেন্টার এন্ড লিগ্যাল এইড বাংলাদেশ। বিআইআইটি'র প্রেসিডেন্ট ও সরকারের সাবেক সচিব শাহ আবদুল হান্নান সেমিনারে সভাপতিত্ব করেন।মাননীয় প্রধান বিচারপতি, এবার আপনি আমাদেরকে হাইকোর্ট দেখানো শুরু করেছেন। কোন বিচিত্র কিছু নয় যে আপনার সময়কালে জামাতীরা আইনের ফাঁক ফোঁকড় দিয়ে বেরিয়ে আসবে। অবশ্য ক'দিন আগেই হান্নান শাহ রাস্ট্রবিরোধী চার্জ থেকে অব্যাহতি পেয়েছে। আপনার এতোটুকু লজ্জাবোধ হলো না, শাহ আবদুল হান্নানের মতো এক বিতর্কিত স্বাধীনতাবিরোধী রাজাকারের সভাপতিত্বে ইসলামের বাণী প্রচার করতে। ইসলামের নাম বেচে ১৯৭১ সালে হান্নান-মুজাহিদরা কি করেছে তা আপনি ভুলে গেছেন? আমরা ভুলিনি। ধর্মভিত্তিক রাজনীতির বিষাক্ত ছায়া আমরা প্রত্যক্ষ করছি। সারা বিশ্বে মুসলিম দেশগুলোতে আইনের শাসন আর মানবাধিকারের করুণ চিত্রের কারণ যে ধর্মের নামে প্রতারণা তা আপনি বুঝতে পারেননি? সৌদী আরবের আইন শৃংখলার প্রতি আপনার অগাধ আস্থা দেখে আমি অবাক হই। হায়রে অভাগা দেশ!! নির্বোধদের হাতেই আমরা বিচার বিভাগকে সমর্পন করে আইন ও ন্যায়বিচারের স্বপ্ন দেখি। আপনাকে আবার রাস্ট্রপতি নিয়োগের কানাঘুষাও একসময় শোনা গিয়েছিল। ধিক্কার জানাই প্রধান বিচারপতির প্রতি যিনি ১৯৭১ দেখেন না, যিনি রাজাকার হান্নানকে দেখেন না। যিনি ধর্মের নামে প্রতারণা আর জঙ্গীবাদের উত্থান দেখেন না। যিনি অন্ধের মতো সৌদী আইন-বিচার ব্যবস্থার প্রশংসায় পঞ্চমুখ। ধর্মের সাথে রাজনীতির মিশ্রণ কতোটা বিপজ্জনক তা আমরা দেখেছি, এখন ধর্মের সাথে আইন গুলিয়ে আবারও বোকা বানাবার চেস্টা করা হচ্ছে।
প্রধান বিচারপতি তার ভাষণে বলেন, আমরা সমাজে এখনো নানা ধরনের দুর্নীতি দেখছি। দুর্নীতি প্রতিরোধে বেশ কিছু ভালো পদক্ষেপও নেয়া হয়েছে। তারা সফলভাবে অনেক দুর্নীতিপরায়ণ ব্যক্তির চরিত্রটাকেই বদলে ফেলেছে। একমাত্র ইসলামী আইন কাঠামোর শিক্ষাই দুর্নীতিবাজদের মধ্যে নৈতিকতা জন্ম দেয়। কোন দুর্নীতিবাজ তখন দুর্নীতি করতে পারে না। বিচারপতি রুহুল আমীন বলেন, ইসলাম বিশ্বের বৃহত্তর অঞ্চল মধ্যপ্রাচ্যের সমাজে শান্তি নিশ্চিত করতে সক্ষম হয়েছে।... অনেক আইন গ্রন্থেই তাদের ইসলামী আইনের ধারা ও উপধারাগুলো সন্নিবেশন করা হয়েছে। তখন থেকেই ইসলামী আইন ব্যবস্খার অধীনে সুষ্ঠু বিচার ব্যবস্খা কার্যকর ছিল। আইনজীবী ও বিচারপতিরা এক সঙ্গে কাজ করেছেন সুষ্ঠু বিচার বন্টনের জন্য। এ ঐতিহ্য এখনো সৌদি আরবসহ অনেক দেশে সমানভাবে কার্যকর। সৌদি আরবে আইন-শৃংখলা পরিস্খিতি এখনো অনেক জাতির চেয়ে ভালো।
আপনার জন্য একজন ধর্ষিতা সৌদী মহিলার বিচারের নমুনা দিয়ে দিলাম:
Saudi justice unveiled
Dhaka Dilemma: After the military rule in Bangladesh
Dhaka Dilemma
One year after the the implementation of military rule in Bangladesh.
by Maneeza Hossain
January 11, 2008
Source: The Daily Standard
TODAY MARKS THE first anniversary of the momentous events of January 11, 2007, when Bangladesh's constitutional government was replaced by military rule. For 365 days, Bangladeshis have lived under a state of emergency: their constitutional rights have been suspended, civil liberties limited, and hundreds of thousands--ranging from former prime ministers to ad hoc peddlers--arrested under the banner of "fighting corruption." One year after taking power, the military "caretaker" government's promises to implement a better, truer democracy have not been fulfilled.
To the contrary, the unelected, paraconstitutional government of Bangladesh can claim credit for two appalling developments: the politicization of the army, which has blurred the lines between the army and civilian administration and has introduced into the army the same corruption rampant in Bangladeshi politics; and the creeping delegitimization of democracy, which has occurred as various undemocratic actions--arrests of perceived enemies, the exclusion of duly elected leaders from political life, the ban on "indoor politics," which forbids private political discussions--are normalized under the army's rule.
Despair is setting in among many Bangladeshis. But in the West, and even among some in Bangladesh, there is denial rather than despair. Some reject the idea that a military coup took place. Bangladesh's two previous military takeovers both had a visible military face. The uniqueness of the new takeover is that the military hand is hidden in the velvet glove of a renowned technocratic team, led by Fakhruddin Ahmed, an internationally acclaimed, world-class economist.
But the refusal to recognize the coup as a coup goes deeper than that. Perhaps Western democrats never believed Bangladesh really capable of democracy, or perhaps they are willing to endorse a fictional democracy if doing so is in line with perceived international interests. Or perhaps new global risks have prompted the international community to accept an unelected government in Bangladesh: the belief that Islamism must be contained at all costs is taken to justify support for this new order, even if it means the indefinite suspension of democracy.
It is hard not be reminded of Pakistan. Bangladesh, once known as East Pakistan, is afflicted by many of the same ills: Islamism is a rising threat; corruption has eroded the political system; democracy appears a luxury too dear for the present; and the military, as the foremost professional institution, is the most trustworthy partner against the rise of Islamism. In both countries, moreover, reform will depend on the government bureaucracy and the expatriates.
One difference between the two, however, is in the response of Western diplomats. When Parvez Musharraf declared the state of emergency in Pakistan in November 2007, governments of democratic nations expressed their disapproval and dismay. "The people of Pakistan deserve the opportunity to choose their leaders," declared John Negroponte when he flew over to Islamabad. But a year has passed since the military assumed power in Bangladesh, and the silence of much of the world amounts to complicity in the destruction of Bangladesh's democratic potential. While the West remains silent, Bangladesh sinks deeper into crisis. The country's currency has lost 10 percent of its value, leading businessmen are kept behind bars, and the price of commodities such as edible oil and rice are being forcibly kept down by the army's experiment in state-controlled economics.
Husain Haqqani, a Pakistan expert and advisor to the late Benazir Bhutto, has referred to the "Pakistanization" of Bangladesh. A decade from now, we may see in Bangladesh a politicized military that holds the reins of power, controls the economy, and has the final say in social, economic, and political affairs. We can likewise expect a shrunken and weakened political class exhausted from losing its leaders to exile, trial, intimidation. The other effect is likely to be a growing grassroots movement that appeals to urban as well as rural populations, that provides services parallel to the government's, and that--under the banner of an ever-radicalizing Islamism--offers an outlet for venting frustration with corrupt politicians and dire economic circumstances. We may even witness Western powers arranging for the return of a former prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, in response to the military's failure to contain the Islamist threat.
The current unelected government claims to pursue genuine democracy, respect for political pluralism, and avoidance of radical intolerance, but the course it is now following is not conducive to the fulfillment of these goals.
Still, Western governments seem inclined to continue their tacit support for the actions of the Bangladeshi Caretaker government--contingent on a timetable to elections. In turn, the Caretaker is adamant about excluding both former Prime Ministers ("the feuding ladies") from any future political role. What remains to be seen is whether the Bangladeshi electorate is willing to go along with this exclusionary stand. From the military's point of view, this remains a sine quo non. Political change will be limited to tinkering with the current configuration of façade players.
Instead of containing Islamism and paving the way for the blossoming of democracy, the current arrangement has delegitimized democracy in practice as well as in culture, and in doing so has helped to consolidate and strengthen Islamist movements. A sensible approach for the current government of Bangladesh would be to adhere to its formal task of preparing for elections using technical, not political, criteria. It should also immediately stop attempting to force reforms within political parties; this is a task that should be left for the electorate. Democrats worldwide, notably in India, Europe, and the United States, should unequivocally demand that the state of emergency be lifted at once in preparation for the restoration of democracy.
Yes, the Bangladeshi experimentation with democracy was riddled with problems. But that is the nature of democracy. A democracy's problems have to be resolved within the context of democracy, not within the context of military rule.
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Maneeza Hossain is a senior fellow at Hudson Institute and author of Broken Pendulum: Bangladesh's Swing to Radicalism (Hudson Institute Press, 2007).
Friday, January 11, 2008
Commentary on Bangladesh Anniversary-BBC
Bangladesh's 'year of surprises'
By Mark Dummett
BBC News, Dhaka
Source: BBC
It has been a year of surprises in Bangladesh. When a state of emergency was declared on 11 January 2007, no-one could have imagined that peoples' basic rights would still be suspended 12 months later.
A caretaker government, made up mainly of retired officials, but backed heavily by the powerful military and important donor countries like the UK, is still in charge.
The former prime ministers and leaders of the two main parties, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina are in custody, charged with extorting money when they were in power.
Credible vote
The "battling Begums'" are being held in detention in the grounds of parliament in Dhaka.
The chamber itself has been silent all year - at least some things stay the same as it has been boycotted by successive oppositions for much of its existence.
The interim government cancelled elections due to be held in January last year, after several months of street protests.
The violent aftermath of recent elections in Kenya are a reminder of the direction Bangladesh was heading.
The caretaker government said it would take many months to organise a truly fair, peaceful and credible vote.
They have now promised to hold it before December 2008.
It has embarked on preparing an entirely new voter list, promising to re-register every one of the country's 90 million voters.
Reforms of the legal system, the police and political parties are underway.
Denouement
The beefed-up Anti-Corruption Commission meanwhile, has gone after the old political class.
It says that close to 80 former ministers, civil servants and businessmen are now in detention.
They include one of the most feared and loathed men in Bangladesh, Tarique Rahman, son of Khaleda Zia.
"We are now moving towards the second phase - moving towards the denouement of the caretaker government's regime," Foreign Minister Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury said in an interview with the BBC.
"We are moving slowly towards the holding of elections.
"The main goal of the government is to create those institutions which will create a society which is the most stable and peaceful, in a region which is one of turbulence."
Few would argue with that aim - however the government's plans for 2008 have raised some uncomfortable questions.
Meetings banned
Firstly - how can the parties campaign for elections with their leaders behind bars and the emergency powers still in place?
These allow the security services to hold anyone, without charge, for an indefinite period.
Political parties can only hold private meetings in their offices in Dhaka and public meetings are banned.
"The emergency will of course be lifted before the elections," Dr Chowdhury says, "but exactly at what point in it will be lifted is difficult to say at this point."
Then there is the role of the military. The army has ruled the country for about half its existence, so many Bangladeshis are deeply suspicious of its motives.
The fierce response of the security forces to rioting students in August reminded many people of past military dictatorships.
Officially the men in uniform are just "supporting" the civilian government.
But they are involved in many of the most important things it does, such as selling food to the poor, organising the voter registration and co-ordinating aid efforts after last November's cyclone.
Obsequious
An army man is head of the cricket board, a retired officer runs the Anti-Corruption Commission.
Photographs of the head of the army, General Moeen U Ahmed, appear most days in the newspapers. He is often pictured in civilian dress, discussing non-military matters, such as the state of the economy.
"A deliberate effort is discernable in the post-emergency period to maintain the pretence of a civilian administration," NM Harun, a contributing editor of the New Age newspaper, wrote this week.
"But in practice it is General Moeen who calls the shots and Dr Fakhruddin (Ahmed, the head of the caretaker government) has been obsequiously following the lead of the military and running a puppet show."
If anything interrupts Bangladesh's peaceful return to democracy in 2008, however, many people believe it is likely to be the spiralling price of food.
In the past two weeks the cost of a kilogramme of rice, the staple, has gone up by about one fifth.
The food ministry says its stocks are half full and running out. It blames the devastating impact on November's cyclone and floods last year, as well as record global food prices.
But businessmen also blame the government. Its anti-corruption drive, some say, has at times resembled a witch-hunt and so scared away legitimate investments.
Whatever the causes, the government's reputation for competence has dropped as the prices have risen. So far, the public has largely supported the caretaker government. That could easily change if the food crisis continues.
News Coverage on One Year Anniversary
Watch the news coverage by NTV and Channel I on "One Year Anniversary" of the Army backed Caretaker Government in Bangladesh:
High on promises, low on delivery
High on promises, low on delivery
Nazrul Islam
Source: New Age
January 11, 2007
The country steps into its second year under a state of emergency today, with the government of Fakhruddin Ahmed reeling under a number of difficulties on the political and economic fronts. The government, which assumed office a day after the declaration of the state of emergency on January 11, 2007, on the other hand, has been dogged by problems within.
The resignation of five advisers in the space of two weeks has raised questions about its credibility and also its capability to carry out the proposed reforms towards ‘perpetuating democracy in Bangladesh.’
In his maiden address to the nation through radio and television on January 21, Fakhruddin promised sweeping reforms in political and electoral process to ensure credible and contested elections to the ninth Jatiya Sangsad, originally scheduled for January 22, 2007.
Holding contested and credible general elections remains the biggest challenge for the interim government, political analysts and former advisers to the caretaker government say.
‘The main challenge for the government is to hold the elections,’ Talukder Moniruzzaman, a professor of political science at Dhaka University, says. However, he believes, the government has been rather busy trying to break the established political parties and undermining the political process. ‘Politics without politicians will never help establish democracy,’ he says.
Moniruzzaman also suspects that there are attempts by the government and the Election Commission to doctor the electoral process, which he said would be disastrous for the nation in the long run.
Sultana Kamal, who was on the President Iajuddin Ahmed-led caretaker government but later resigned, agrees with Moniruzzaman’s view that the major challenge for the government is to hold credible and contested general elections, for which, she says, the withdrawal of the state of emergency is imperative.
Sultana says the interim government is in essence different from any of the past caretaker administrations. ‘It has done some remarkable jobs but also made some mistakes in the past one year.’
The state of emergency also impedes political reforms, politicians irrespective of party affiliations say politicians. ‘Political reforms will be impossible with civil and political rights suspended,’ an Awami League leader says. Meanwhile, the Election Commission has been riddled with more problems than one. It has failed to complete dialogues with the political parties over its proposed electoral reforms within the deadline stipulated in its election roadmap.
Also, the process to make the commission’s secretariat and amend the service rules for its employees has remained although the deadline set by the roadmap ended in December.
Besides, it has shelved the plan to hold elections to all local government bodies before the parliamentary polls and now narrowed its focus to holding city corporation elections. While the roadmap envisages general elections by the end of 2008, the commission has said on more occasions than one that the elections could be held earlier.
All the while, the relations between the government and the political parties have deteriorated. The politicians became all the more suspicious when some advisers of the government publicly advocated for the emergence of new leadership and the media reported overt and covert attempts by the incumbents to relegate Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia to political irrelevance.
The suspicion lingers on.
Politicians in almost all major camps in particular and the people in general are increasingly confused as to whether or not there would be any elections within the timeframe detailed by the government and in these circumstances. ‘We are not clear whether the government wants participation of the political parties or they just want to conduct elections with the now mushrooming parties with military blessings,’ a BNP leader says. ‘We see no prospect of elections keeping two former prime ministers behind bars.’
Politicians believe the government has so far made no attempt to hold any dialogue with political parties to find ways towards holding fair and contested elections, and is intent on sustaining its campaign to malign the political process.
Print and electronic media have, meanwhile, been subject to continuous ‘supervision.’ The government closed down one private television channel, put a bar on talk-shows for a few days and cancelled declaration of nearly 200 small newspapers and periodicals published outside Dhaka. Also, during the curfew imposed in the wake of the August 20-22 campus protests, several journalists were harassed.
Rights defenders say there have been repeated violations of human rights ever since the declaration of the state of emergency.
The Fakhruddin government allowed arbitrary detention of tens of thousands of people as part of its anti-corruption campaign. The army-led joint forces put more than 200 leading politicians behind bars.
These politicians mainly belong to the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Awami League, which ruled the country alternately for the past 15 years. ‘The government must be respectful to people’s fundamental rights,’ said Sultana Kamal.
The anti-corruption campaign resulted in a slowdown in economic activities, forcing the administration to compromise with a few detained businessmen, many of whom were released on bail.
In almost all his five addresses to the nation, the chief adviser pledged to perpetuate the democratic process, create a business-friendly atmosphere and contain the skyrocketing of essential prices. However, economists say the government’s inefficiency to run its affairs has made the people ‘prisoners of economic insecurity.’
The insecurity has intensified because of an economic slowdown compounded by dipping foreign and local investments, rising inflation, food price hike, shrinking job market and declining foreign trade besides political uncertainties. Long-term investors are still waiting for a clear picture of the political scene, said Zaid Bakht, an economist.
‘Confidence is directly related to investment. We saw a declining trend in investment on the first year [of the interim government],’ the president of the Federation of Bangladesh Chambers of Commerce and Industry, says. The business community suffered a lack of confidence because of the government’s arbitrary actions, he adds. However, he believes, the investment scenario would be different this year if the government focuses on improving the business environment.
Towards the end of the year, the government did initiate a move to restore business confidence.
It formed the Bangladesh Business Forum and convened a conference of non-resident Bangladeshis in an apparent move to encourage expatriate Bangladeshis to invest in the country.
Thursday, January 10, 2008
Another political party launched
Dhaka, Jan 10 (bdnews24.com)—A new political party, Bangladesh Naypanthi Dal, was floated Thursday. Leaders of the party hoped to participate in the next election, expected by the end of 2008.
In a year under the state of emergency, six new political parties have emerged. The other five are: National People's Party, Progressive Democratic Party, Republican Party and Naya Samaj Dal.
Dr Abu Mohammad Zohurul Huq, president of the new party, announced the manifesto from a press conference at the National Press Club.
Huq, a psychiatrist born in Munshiganj, said: "My political position is neither right nor left. It is centric. If my party goes to power, it will end dynastic politics, muscle power and dirty politics of black money established by the Awami League and the BNP."
He said the aim of his party was to build a "happy, prosperous, secular, non-communal and democratic Bangladesh".
"The main principles of the party are to create opportunities for liberal democracy, religiousness and equality for all," Huq said.
He emphasised that his party would win the 2008 national election.
There was no announcement on any committee of the party that would have two wings—one for women and the other for the youth.
It will have no front organisations for teachers, students and workers, according to a 16-page manifesto distributed among reporters.
Amnesty calls for immediate release of DU teachers
Dhaka, Jan 10 (bdnews24.com) – International human rights watchdog Amnesty International Thursday demanded immediate release of the four arrested Dhaka University teachers.
"AI calls for their immediate and unconditional release," AI secretary general Irene Khan told a press conference at Sheraton Hotel.
The Fakhruddin Ahmed-led caretaker government arrested four senior DU teachers, including Prof Anwar Hossain, general secretary of the Dhaka University Teachers Association, and Prof Harun-or-Rashid, dean of the Social Sciences Faculty, Dhaka University, following antigovernment demonstrations and agitation in August last year.
AI protested the arrest and prosecution of Dhaka and Rajshahi University teachers, Khan said.
Later, President Iajuddin Ahmed pardoned the five RU teachers.
"Amnesty International considers the four DU teachers, now on trial, to be prisoners of conscience and calls for their immediate release," Khan said in a written statement to the press.
CTG's One Year Anniversary
Watch this ATN Bangla discussion on the Caretaker Government's achievements. This discussion took place earlier this morning:
Bangladesh Facing Crisis
It appears that the Bangladesh Government is responding to the food crisis by beginning open market sale. In addition, Dhaka University's Professors and Students are demanding release of the professors and students.
New Age reports,
Teachers at Dhaka University on Wednesday staged a sit-in demonstration for an hour at Aparajeya Bangla holding placards and demanded the release of their colleagues and students detained in connection with the August campus protests.
The placards read ‘Release all detained teachers and students without delay!’ ‘Uphold the right to justice and conscience!’ and ‘Keep educational institutions functioning!’ demanding that free thinking should be allowed in educational institutions.Professor MM Akash of economics, who announced the plan for the demonstrations two days ago, along with the teachers loyal to the Awami League-backed Blue Panel and the left-leaning Pink Panel gathered at the place at 11:00am, joined in by more teachers. The teachers loyal to the BNP and Jamaat-backed White Panel did not join the protests.
A number of students of the Institute of Social Welfare and Research earlier formed a human chain at the institute to push for the demands. After the demonstrations, Professor Kabir Chowdhury told reporters, ‘We are here with some resentments and demands. There are no reasons to keep the teachers and students in jail.’
‘Taking classes is not the only duty of the teachers. They should also become vocal against injustice. If the teachers were vocal during the August campus protests, they performed their duty and they should be rewarded, not punished,’ Kabir said.
He hoped that the university authorities would be active in their efforts for the release of the detained teachers and students.He said the reports of the judicial inquiry commission and inquiries by the military should be made public so that people can know what happened during August 20–22 on and around the campus and demanded that the teachers and students should be released.
Former DUTA president AAMS Arefin Siddique brushed aside the allegations levelled by the teachers loyal to the White Panel who claimed the Blue Panel teachers were conspiring to make the campus unstable by going out on demonstrations. He said, ‘Rather they were hatching plots against the teachers’ association by making it dysfunctional with the help of the administration. This has prolonged the detention of the teachers and students.’
‘All organisations have the right to go out on demonstrations for their just demand; so has the teachers’ association. If the leaders are not capable enough of running the organisation and getting the teachers freed, they should step down,’ he said.
The Students against Repression also skipped classes from 11:00am to noon and gathered in front of the Arts Building at a distance from the teachers. The students have planned to form a human chain on the campus at 10:00am today.The vice-chancellor, SMA Faiz, meanwhile, met the president, Iajuddin Ahmed, also the chancellor, at noon and discussed matters related to the release of the teachers.
The Dhaka University Journalists’ Association members also met the vice-chancellor on the indictment of the university correspondent of Banglabazar Patrika, Khomenee Ihsan, in the case of setting fire to a military staff car. They sought his intervention in this regard.
Watch the Bangla news coverage:
Wednesday, January 9, 2008
Discussions on Advisers Resignation
Please watch ATN Bangla's talk show Onno Drishti on Resignation:
You can also hear BBC news coverage on this issue:
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Amnesty chief faults Bangladesh government on rights
Amnesty chief faults Bangladesh government on rights
Helen Rowe
Source: AFP
Tuesday, January 8, 2008
Bangladesh's army-backed emergency government has failed to protect human rights and hold itself accountable over its anti-graft drive since taking power a year ago, Amnesty International says.
The caretaker government put democracy on hold when it ousted the country's feuding politicians last January following a stand-off between the two main political parties over vote-rigging allegations.
Elections scheduled for January 22 last year were cancelled after months of crippling protests and violence, and the new authorities pledged to clean up Bangladesh's notoriously graft-ridden politics before holding new polls later this year.
But Amnesty secretary general Irene Khan told AFP in an interview that the interim body had not governed in a transparent way, and had failed to tackle the impunity with which law enforcers committed human rights abuses.
"Our most important concerns are the persistence of impunity and that major human rights violations are not investigated and the perpetrators are not prosecuted," said Khan during a week-long visit to the impoverished country.
"Then there is the issue of failures in protecting human rights over the past year," she said, adding that she had heard first-hand accounts of abuse of power, arbitrary detention and mistreatment from victims in the capital Dhaka and the northern city of Rajshahi.
Although many similar cases had occurred in 2006 and before, these latest ones were in 2007, she said.
The government has never given figures for the number of people detained under its corruption crackdown, although it is known around 150 high-profile figures were arrested.
Some, including former ministers, have been given lengthy jail sentences by fast-track tribunals not open to the press or public. The country's two most recent prime ministers -- Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina Wajed -- are still in detention.
"This government made a pledge to create greater transparency and accountability with the anti-corruption drive, but on many occasions they have not been very transparent about what they are doing," Khan said.
"There is confusion. It is not clear what provisions are being used to charge who. Transparency is essential because this government is claiming to set past wrongs right."
The Amnesty chief, herself from Bangladesh, said the government enjoyed "huge popular support" when it was installed on January 12, 2007 -- a day after the president imposed a state of emergency -- because of the misrule of previous governments.
"The situation that persisted prior to the 11th January was one in which there was a very high degree of political violence, a nexus between political violence and organised crime, a breakdown of the state as an entity that provided security to people and massive human rights violations," she said.
"People felt there was a need to do something and there was widespread support for a government that was backed by the military and that came to power to organise free and fair elections.
But she said the authority had not met the expectations of many, and that disillusionment at the lack of "transparent accountable governance" was threatening to undermine its ability to carry out its original pledges.
"Popular support cannot be taken for granted. There is a sense of disenchantment that is coming from a sense of uncertainty and economic insecurity. There is a window of opportunity for an initiative to be taken. It is not an open-ended window. Time is running out," she added.
Khan is due to meet army chief General Mooen U. Ahmed and head of the caretaker government Fakhruddin Ahmed during her visit.
Tuesday, January 8, 2008
Breaking News: Four Advisers Resigned
Channel I News Coverage:
BD News24 reports,
Dhaka, Jan 8 (bdnews24.com) – In a dramatic turn of events, law adviser Mainul Hosein, health adviser ASM Matiur Rahman, power and food adviser Tapan Chowdhury and industry adviser Geeteara Safiya Choudhury resigned Tuesday.
The chief adviser's press secretary Syed Fahim Munaim told bdnews24.com that the advisers cited "personal reasons" for their resignations. He said the swearing-in ceremony for new advisers would take place Wednesday.
Munaim did not name the new advisers, who are meant to fill vacancies on the technocratic government.
Geeteara told bdnews24.com that she submitted her resignation letter to the Cabinet Division around 2pm Tuesday. She did not disclose the reason for her resignation.
The resignation of Mainul was confirmed by his wife Saju Hosein.
Mohammad Iqbal Hossain, public relations officer for the power ministry, confirmed the resignation of Tapan.
At 5pm, health adviser ASM Matiur Rahman confirmed the news of his resignation.
"I worked for the nation and am still working. I will work in future as well. I will keep working when and where I get a chance to do so."
"In the past, I was in a different place. At present, it is another place. And I will work in future from where I will be assigned to."
Asked to explain why it happened, Matiur said: "No power is permanent."
Earlier at 4pm, Matiur said he did not resign, after he was asked by reporters to comment on media reports on his "resignation".
Later he told bdnews24.com: "What you have heard is true."
Cultural affairs adviser Ayub Quadri was the first to resign his post on the Fakhruddin administration in Dec 26, taking the responsibility for the loss of rare artefacts from Zia International Airport.
The resignation was on "personal grounds", the adviser initially told bdnews24.com by phone. Later, he said: "I made hints of resignation when I talked to reporters the other day."
Quadri had earlier said he must take the responsibility for the lost artefacts as the head of the cultural affairs ministry.
Mainul has often been accused by the media and the public of making outrageous and inconsistent comments on sensitive political topics.
His remarks came at a time when the caretaker administration says it is committed to holding a free and fair election by year-end.
Mainul told a private television station Monday that the Fakhruddin Ahmed-led government would live up to its pledges that include curbing corruption and delivering a flawless democracy through a credible election.
He also said that some vested groups were trying to push the government into trouble, but did not elaborate.
Tapan also drew flak for his recent comment that the government has nothing to do with runaway food prices despite the prices have doubled since the emergency administration took charge in Jan 2007.
Geeteara on Nov 13 termed the fertilser crisis that prompted nationwide protests a 'myth' created by the media and the farmers unwilling to queue up.
Whether the resignation of the four advisers stemmed from policy or personal differences with colleagues was not immediately clear.
Please follow the following links for more updates. E-Bangladesh has put some new likely names as new advisers:
Interview with Pervez Hoodbhoy
INTERVIEW WITH PERVEZ HOODBHOY
STEFANIA MAURIZI for IL VENERDI of LA REPUBBLICA (in Italian)
Q: Let's start with the tragedy of Bhutto assassination. Today, international media remind us she was the first woman to become the PM of an Islamic country, she was a democratic leader, etc. Nonetheless, she was the scion of a feudal family, which was primarily responsible for making Pakistan an atomic power and she was known for the authoritarian control of her party. Looking back, how do you judge Benazir Bhutto?
A: Having first known Benazir Bhutto from high school in Karachi, and then later in Cambridge (Massachussetts), I am deeply saddened by her assassination. But, although the international media paint her as someone who could have led Pakistan into the modern age, the truth is very different. Her two tenures as prime minister were a nightmare of autocratic government and mis-governance. Billions disappeared from foreign aid. A Swiss court found her guilty of money laundering in 2003. Ms. Bhutto owned mansions and palaces across the world. She even tried to steal land from my (public) university to feed the rapacious appetite of her party members.
Even during school days, Benazir thought she had been born to rule. More importantly, she made not the slightest effort to change the feudal character of Pakistani politics and society. The Bhuttos own vast tracts of agricultural land in Sindh that is worked upon by serfs. Although she promised to bring democracy to Pakistan, after returning to Pakistan, Ms. Bhutto made clear that for a few table scraps she would be happy to team up with General Musharraf under the hopelessly absurd US plan to give our military government a civilian face. Her party, the Pakistan Peoples Party was her fiefdom. She appointed herself as "chairperson for life". Reflecting the mindset of a feudal princess, she even named her successors to be male members from her family: her 19-year son, who is a student at Oxford and knows nothing about Pakistani culture, as well as her phenomenally corrupt husband, initially known as Mr Ten Percent and later as Mr. Thirty Percent.
Q: Was Ms. Bhutto a model for Pakistani women?
A: She was courageous and single-minded. And she showed that a woman could be the head of a conservative Islamic state. Nevertheless, it is hard to see what she wanted beyond personal power. Although she said that she was fighting for grand causes, I'm still trying to figure out what they were. She certainly did nothing for Pakistani women during her two stints in power and left untouched the horrific Hudood laws, according to which a rape victim needs to produce 4 witnesses to the act of penetration (else she could be punished for fornication). Nor did she try to overturn the Pakistani blasphemy law that prescribes death as the minimum penalty for those convicted of insulting the prophet of Islam or his companions. As for democracy: she had been desperate to do a deal with Musharraf who dangled over her head the many corruption cases that she was charged with. But he proved too clever for her and she was forced into the opposition.
In foreign policy, she played footsie with the army. It could do whatever it liked, including making nuclear weapons, sending Islamic militants into Kashmir, and organizing the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban. In 2002 she regretted having signed the document authorizing funds for the funding Taliban forces for seizing Kandahar. Ms. Bhutto makes an excellent martyr. In her death she will doubtlessly play a more positive role than when alive.
Q: Al Qaeda was immediately blamed for Bhutto assassination. However, many people hated her: Musharraf, the Army, and the infamous ISI, which in 1990 removed Bhutto from power after she had replaced General Hameed Gul, the man who invented the Taliban. Do you believe that Al Qaeda was really responsible for killing Benazir Bhutto? Who is going to gain from Bhutto's death?
A: There are different possibilities and much confusion. But some facts are certain. There definitely were gunshots, and this was followed by a suicide blast. Now, I do not think that suicide bombers can be bought with any number of rupees. Only a religious fanatic lured by heavenly rewards would blow himself up. Therefore Al-Qaida, the Taliban, or other Islamic jihadist groups are strong possibilities. They always hated Bhutto, but even more after she announced in Washington that, if elected prime minister, she would fight them even more vigorously than Musharraf. Of course, rogue elements of Pakistan's intelligence agencies, who are also strong Islamists, and who lie deeply hidden within the establishment,could also have done it. They have a stock of suicide bombers available to them, as evidenced by the success they have had in organizing suicide attacks upon army commandos as well as their own colleagues.
So did Islamists of one or the other flavour do it? Maybe, but the waters have been muddied by the government. First, publicly available photographs and videos show a modern-looking gunman accompanying the suicide bomber. He fired three shots, heard by all present, at least one of which hit Bhutto. Some say that there was a second sharpshooter in a building too. On the other hand, the government initially insisted she died from concussion and not a bullet wound - an obvious lie immediately refuted by those in the same car as Bhutto. Second, in just an hour after the assassination, the police washed away all the bloody evidence with water hoses. So, it is quite possible that non-Islamists in the government have somehow used brainwashed suicide bombers, trained in mosques and madrassas, to do their dirty job. But, as in the JFK murder, the truth will never be known.
As for the gainers and losers: Islamist groups saw Bhutto as a tool of America that would be used against them, and a leader who could secularize Pakistan. Plus, she was a woman and popular. But Musharraf and his political party, the PML(Q), have also gained because a political rival has been eliminated. The losers are those Pakistanis who wish for a secular, modern Pakistan and not one that is run by mullahs. Although she never delivered on her promises, her followers never lost faith.
Q: There is a lot of concern about the future of Pakistan. How real is the threat of an Islamic takeover, in your opinion?
A: It has already been taken over! Twenty five years ago the Pakistani state began pushing Islam on to its people as a matter of policy. Prayers in government departments were deemed compulsory, punishments were meted out to those who did not fast in Ramadan, selection for academic posts required that the candidate demonstrate knowledge of Islamic teachings, and jihad was propagated through schoolbooks. Today government intervention is no longer needed because of a spontaneous groundswell of Islamic zeal. But now the state is realizing that it shot itself in the foot. The fanatical jihadists it created have turned against it. It is supreme irony that the Pakistan Army - whose men were recruited under the banner of jihad and which saw itself as the fighting arm of Islam - is now frequently targeted by suicide bombers who are fighting a jihad to bring even stricter Islam. It has lost a thousand or more men fighting Al-Qaida and the Taliban.
The pace of radicalization has quickened. There are almost daily suicide attacks. This phenomenon was almost unknown in Pakistan before the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Now it is common in major cities as well as tribal areas. The targets have been the Pakistan army, police, incumbent and retired government leaders, and rival Islamic sects. But this is just the tip of the iceberg; we'll see much more in years ahead.
Q: Ideally, what do you want to see happen in the next few weeks?
A: I want Musharraf to go - resign or somehow be removed, preferably without bloodshed. I want the independent judiciary restored, a new neutral caretaker government installed for overseeing free and fair elections, and then elections that would decide upon the new parliament and prime minister. This will not immediately solve Pakistan's fundamental problems - army dominance, maldistribution of wealth, religious fanaticism - but it would get Pakistan on the track to democracy instead of the self-destruction it is racing towards.
Q: People in Washington are increasingly frustrated with Musharraf's counterterrorism efforts, however they think there are no alternatives to Musharraf. What do you think about this?
A: The Americans have tunnel vision. They want lackeys like Musharraf who do their bidding, although here too there is deception at work. They know, but choose to forget, that Pakistani military leaders, Musharraf included,are the makers of the jihadist monster. In 1999, after Musharraf launched the secret Kargil operation in Kashmir, the United Jihad Council celebrated him as a true fighter for Islam. After 911 such praises disappeared, but under his leadership the army still covertly supported jihadist groups and the Taliban in Kashmir and Afghanistan.
Musharraf is extremely unpopular now and the Americans will have to dump him at some point. It is hard to find a pro-Musharraf person anywhere in the country except in the top business circles and the top army leadership. Until recently he ran both the army and the government himself, with the connivance of a rubber-stamp Parliament put in place through rigged elections. When the courts were about to rule that he could not legally be president, Musharraf chose to suspend the constitution and impose emergency rule. He dismissed the Supreme Court and arrested the judges, replacing them with judges who obey his every command. He blocked all independent television channels, and punished the news media for disparaging him or the army. His police arrested thousands of lawyers and pro-democracy activists. He ordered that civilians be tried in closed military courts. This was necessary, he said, to save Pakistan from a rapidly growing Islamist insurgency. But he released 25 Islamic extremists on the day that the judges were arrested. In spite of all this, George W.
Bush called Musharraf "a democrat at heart".
The Americans have shot themselves in the foot by supporting the army consistently for decades. They have lost credibility and respect among Pakistanis. Everybody laughs when they hear that America wants democracy for Pakistan. In this situation, even if Musharraf goes and Gen. Kayani (the new army chief) takes over, the best that American can hope for is for the status quo. This is sad, because America is a great country with many virtues. If only they could get over their hangup of wanting to run the world! It's an impossible task anyway.
Q: In Pakistan what is the man on the street thinking?
A: Almost everyone holds the government responsible for the assassination. Tragically, suicide bombings are not condemned with any particular vigor.There is no strong reaction against the mullahs, madrassas, and jihadis. Perhaps people are afraid to criticize them because this might be seen as a criticism of Islam. Interestingly, in all the street demonstrations I have gone to after the Bhutto assassinations, there was no call for cracking down on extremists. Yesterday I met the lone taxidriver who thought the Islamists did it.
Q: What could be an effective way to fight Al Qaeda and the Taleban in Pakistan?
A: To fight and win this war, Pakistan will need to mobilize both its people and the state. The notion of a power-sharing agreement between the state and Taliban is a non-starter; the spectacular failures of earlier agreements should be a lesson. Instead the government should help create public consensus through open forum discussions, proceed faster on infrastructure development in the tribal areas, and make judicious use of military force - troops only, no air power. This should become every Pakistani's war, not just the army's, and it will have to be fought even if America packs up and goes away. But, as long as Musharraf is president,it will be impossible to get popular support for the war. If presented with a choice between Musharraf and the Taliban, the overwhelming majority of Pakistanis would want the latter - although I am sure they would regret it later.
Q: Let's talk about Pakistan's nukes. There a lot of concern about the possibility that nuclear weapons could end up into the hands of Islamic fundamentalists. Early in December the Washington Post revealed that a small group of U.S. military experts and intelligence analysts convened in Washington for exploring strategies to secure Pakistani nukes if the Pakistani regime falls apart. Their conclusions were very scaring, as,- there are no palatable ways to forcibly ensure the security of Pakistan's nuclear weapons. What do you think about this?
A: The government says there is absolutely no danger of loose nukes. Pakistan has been sending serving officers of the Strategic Plans Division, which is the agency responsible for handling nuclear weapons, to the United States for training in safety measures (PAL's locking devices,storing procedures, etc). But there's no way of telling if this will be effective. Extremists have already penetrated deep into the army and the intelligence agencies. We now see repeated evidence: for example, last month an unmarked bus carrying employees of the Inter Services Intelligence [Pakistan's secret intelligence], was collecting employees early in the morning. It was boarded by a suicide bomber who blew himself up killing 25. It was an inside job.
And now there are many other such examples, such as that of an army man killing 16 Special Services Group commandos in a suicide attack at Ghazi Barotha. A part of the establishment is clearly at war with another part. There are also scientists, as well as military people, who are radical Islamists. Many questions come to mind: can there be collusion between different field-level commanders, resulting in the hijacking of a nuclear weapon? Could outsider groups develop links with insiders? Given the absence of accurate records of fissile material production, can one be certain that small quantities of highly enriched uranium or weapons grade plutonoium have already not been diverted? I do not know the answers. Nobody does.
[Pervez Hoodbhoy is professor of nuclear and high-energy physics, and chairman of the department of physics at Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad]
Meeting Tarique Rahman
A reliable source very close to the intelligence community of Bangladesh confirms that DGFI hanchos Brig. Amin and Brig.Bari have been meeting with Tarique Rahman under the disguise of "remand" recently. They have been pressing Tarique to forget the past and consolidate the party so the right wing can be brought back to power if there are elections.
Tarique has been recently been taken into remand a few times. This was to sit down and discuss strategy with DGFI rather than to do any questioning on charges.
Note that no cases have proceeded against Tarique Rahman as of yet.
Bangladesh officials ignore food crisis
Bangladesh officials ignore food crisis
RATER ZONAKI
Date: January 07, 2008
Source: UPI Asia Online
"The price of rice is so high that it is beyond my capacity. We are forced to eat only one meal a day, but the problems are with the children: they cannot starve like the adults."
Thus is the life of Muhammad Yunus Bahari, a senior teacher of a school in Chittagong, the second largest city in Bangladesh, as he described his life to the media.
Yunus is not the only person who has this problem. Haren Sirker, a carpenter in Faridpur District, needs at least 4 kilograms of rice per day. However, he is only able to buy 3 kilograms using all the money he has. Haren is worried how his family will manage as he has no money left to buy other necessities. Jinnat Ali, a transport laborer who says he has already forgotten the taste of fish due to the price hike, is worried whether his family will be able to afford the cost of vegetables as he has spent all his money to buy rice.
All of Bangladesh faces the same problem as the nation moves into the new year of 2008 accompanied by an avoidable food crisis. The problem not only concerns rice: almost all staple foodstuffs, including wheat, edible oil, potatoes and vegetables, are virtually beyond the affordability of ordinary middle-class people. The government's immediate response, however, has been less than satisfactory.
The adviser for the Ministry of Food, Tapan Chowdhury, told the media on Jan. 1 that the government has nothing to do with the situation: the people have to become accustomed to this reality! No additional words are required to explain the level of efficiency of this adviser, or of the military-backed government.
Bangladesh suffered from floods on two occasions last year that caused huge damage to crops. In addition, a devastating cyclone destroyed homes and livelihoods in the southeastern coastal areas of the country about two months ago.
People do not understand why the government cannot realize there is a shortage of foodstuffs, including rice, wheat and flour, when the whole country suffered floods causing widespread damage to crops. They wonder what the Trading Corp. of Bangladesh -- which is supposed to import foodstuffs on behalf of the government under directions from the concerned ministries -- is doing, which is nothing. What is the point of having such an institution in the country?
When the average income of the majority of the population is below 150 taka per day (about US$2), how can a person in Bangladesh dream of buying 1 kilogram of rice or wheat at a price of 40 taka to 45 taka per kilo (US$.58 to US$.66) when they need about 3 kilos to 4 kilos in a day? Even families which earn 15,000 takas (US$219) per month, although the majority of the population earn below this amount, are thrown into a crisis when they try to meet their food costs and the cost of education of their children.
Of course, those who have ample opportunity for corruption in either the public or private sector will be excluded from those who struggle with the hard realities of life and, at the same time, seek to uphold honesty in their personal and social lives. Is it not a mockery of the dignity and rights of the people when the concerned official representing the top level of the government asks the people to become accustomed to starvation?
Unfortunately, the people of Bangladesh, who have been forced to endure such nonsensical behavior by their rulers, are scarcely surprised to see such a person as the adviser to the Ministry of Food make such comments while the military-backed government itself struggles to maintain its legitimacy to stay in power.
If the government had had the minimum foresight and commitment to address the basic and dire needs of the country's people, it should have had prior plans and programs in place to avoid such a situation as the tragedy now prevailing in Bangladesh. Government policymakers could have assessed the expected shortfall of basic foodstuffs due to the large loss of crops during the country's natural disasters. Accordingly, the concerned institutions could have looked for opportunities to import required commodities to ensure the availability of food in the local markets.
Instead of creating employment opportunities for the people and increasing people's incomes as well as controlling and monitoring price hikes, the government has been blaming private business groups, which are allegedly making money by storing the imported as well as the locally available foodstuffs.
If the business groups do so, then why is there still a government? Let the businessmen make money however they choose! Should not the government have a monitoring and surveying system to discern the existing conditions in the economic sector of the country? Does a government only exist in order to overwhelm the prisons by ignoring the laws of the land and militarizing the institutions of the country? By saying that "the government has nothing to do," do the authorities mean that they have everything to undo?
The government should understand its role and responsibilities. An interim caretaker government should have been established to hold an acceptable general election in the country and to maintain the routine work of government in order to keep the institutions functioning. People do not require anything more from the present government. They hope it will limit its actions and go away!
(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender living in Sylhet in Bangladesh who has been working on human rights issues in the country for more than a decade and who was a journalist in Bangladesh in the 1990s.)
Sunday, January 6, 2008
AHRC Statement on Bangladesh Police
BANGLADESH: End misuse of authority upon the police and by the police
Source: Asian Human Rights Commission
Date: January 3, 2008
On 31 December 2007 an online news agency -- BD News24.com -- of Bangladesh published a report with the title ‘DMP commissioner blames failure of police on political pressure’. The report said unwarranted influence and pressure from outside, jeopardised the freedom of the police administration. The report further said that the main cause of harassment by police is the decades-old irregularity and absence of rules for which the police is not responsible. The report stated that these observations were made by Mr. Naim Ahmed, Commissioner of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP). The Commissioner made the above remarks in his speech in a workshop organised on police reforms.
The workshop and training programme, which aimed at motivating the police to be people-friendly, started on Monday 31 December 2007. About 2,000 DMP officers ranging from superintendent to constable attended the workshop. In his speech, the Commissioner also remarked that the police failed to discharge their responsibility properly due to the pressure from politicians and sometimes even from within the department. In the keynote address, the officer also observed that one of the main causes of public harassment by the police is due to the appointment of inefficient persons as police officers. The Commissioner further admitted that professional inefficiency and lack of knowledge within the police department made things worse and that the police sometimes arrest people without reason, and they intimidate innocent persons with arrest and abuse of law, particularly Section 54 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1898 and the DMP Ordinance 1976.
While appreciating the confessions of the ‘top cop’ as a first sign of correction of errors, the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) is of the opinion that public confession alone will not improve the situation of policing in Bangladesh. Jurists, bureaucrats, policymakers and human rights defenders must sit together with a view to discuss these real problems of policing in the country.
A number of questions emerge from the admissions made by the DMP Commissioner: Who are those involved in recruiting the inefficient and unqualified candidates to the service? What procedure is available to adjudicate the quality of recruitment as well as to monitor the process of recruitment in the police department? Who is responsible for overburdening the department with such unqualified persons? Subsequent to the recruitment, are there any credible and continuous training programmes to enable the officers develop their skill and to increase their efficiency? Are there any independent and credible mechanisms for taking disciplinary actions against erring officers? Are there any available mechanisms for monitoring their performance and making the police accountable?
If the answer to all these questions is an emphatic ‘no’, then lamenting about the problems alone will not help. These questions are not exclusively limited to the police force, but equally applicable to all law enforcement agencies in the country. As of now in Bangladesh, a uniformed officer is often conceived as an expendable pawn by those in authority and power and a burden and menace to the common man.
Yet another grievance heard quite often within the police force is about unwarranted pressure from outside, meaning the politicians of the country. This is often viewed as a cancer affecting the autonomy of the force. Everyone in Bangladesh is aware that political influence tarnishes the image of the police and also hinders their work. Whatever professionalism is left within the force is thrown out of the window the moment an external element like a politician throws his or her weight upon the force. Such interferences are not limited to some high profile cases, but are expected even for petty disputes which would not even qualify for a police action in other jurisdictions. As of today, the police force in Bangladesh does not know how to deal with this unwarranted interference, but rather enjoys it as an additional means for corruption. The morality of the Bangladesh police is probably the lowest in the region.
The problem is in the mindset of the police force and the policy makers. While the police force consents to exploitation by the authorities, particularly the politicians, the politicians conceive the state police as tool for exerting undue pressure. In this process the police resort to violence against the people like torture or extrajudicial execution.
Currently, there is a programme sponsored by the UNDP to reform the police force in Bangladesh. The Ministry of Home Affairs, for better of worse, is now proposing a bill to address the problems in policing in Bangladesh. The AHRC is of the opinion that now that there is a window of opportunity, all concerned persons in Bangladesh must make use of the occasion to discuss and debate about the decades-long problems in policing in the country. Such an opportunity does not come very often. This discourse should engage the UNDP in understanding the convictions of the ordinary people about their police.
Model police stations and standard best practices are only good on paper. To improve the situation of policing in Bangladesh, the primary requisite is to find ways to improve the confidence of the ordinary persons concerning their police. At the end of the day, the Bangladeshi police are for the Bangladeshis. There is no way out but discarding practices of abuse of power, and replacing them with trustworthy professionalism in the service of citizens.
U.S. Genocide Accountability Act 2007
US: New Law Extends Prosecutions for Genocide
Source: Human Rights Watch
(Washington, DC, December 24, 2007) – The Genocide Accountability Act closes a loophole by allowing the United States to prosecute individuals for taking part in genocide abroad, Human Rights Watch said today. President George W. Bush signed the bill into law on December 21, 2007.
“The new law will help prevent the United States from becoming a safe haven for perpetrators of genocide,” said Kenneth Roth, executive director at Human Rights Watch. “Its adoption sends an important signal of US commitment to bring to justice those who are responsible for this most heinous crime.”
The new law supersedes the Genocide Convention Implementation Act, which allowed for the prosecution of only US citizens for participation in genocide abroad. Under the new law, introduced by Senator Richard Durbin, prosecutors can pursue even non-citizens involved in genocide outside the United States.
The Justice Department is investigating several men suspected of taking part in genocide in Rwanda and Bosnia who allegedly entered the United States under false pretenses. However, under the old US law, they could not be prosecuted for genocide because they are not American citizens and their alleged crimes were committed outside of the United States.
Under the Genocide Convention, which the US ratified in 1988, genocide means killings and other serious criminals acts “committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.”
The Genocide Accountability Act is one of three bills introduced by Durbin that would give the United States the authority to prosecute people found in the US who have participated in serious human rights abuses anywhere in the world. The other bills, the Trafficking in Persons Accountability Act and the Child Soldiers Accountability Act, have both been unanimously endorsed by the Senate Judiciary Committee and are awaiting passage by the full Senate.
“We salute Senator Durbin for taking the lead on these crucial human rights issues of the day,” Roth said.
A Good Step to try War Criminals of 1971
(Picture courtesy: Daily Star)
Source: Daily Star
Date: January 6, 2008
Bangladesh Muktijoddha Sangsad's Patuakhali unit has started preparing a list of Razakars, the local collaborators of Pakistan Army during the Liberation War, in the district.
They included the names of 33 Razakars of Itbaria union in the list yesterday, the first day of preparing the roll.
Muktijoddha Sangsad also organised a public meeting in front of the primary school playground where local people provided it with information about alleged Razakars who sided with the Pakistani occupation forces during the liberation war.
Advocate Habibur Rahman Shawkat, deputy commander of Patuakhali sub-sector during the liberation war, told the journalists that they started preparing the list of Razakars in the greater interest of the nation.
Primarily, they would make a list of Razakars of all the 68 unions in seven upazila. Then they would include the names of Razakars in the district, he added.
The list would be formally announced on March 25, a day before the Independence Day, at a reunion of freedom fighters in Patuakhali.
Among others, seven women tortured by the Pakistani occupation forces during the liberation war in 1971 were present.
Amnesty International Chief in Dhaka
Source: International Hearld News
DHAKA, Bangladesh: Bangladesh's military-backed government should ease curbs on freedom of expression and assembly imposed under year-old emergency rule, the head of the human rights group Amnesty International said.
"Amnesty believes that the government can waive some of the restrictions, even under emergency rule," Irene Khan, secretary general of the London-based group, said in Dhaka on Saturday."We believe, within the emergency, human rights can be protected," Khan said.
Political and protest rallies are barred under stringent emergency rules, and dozens of top politicians — including two former prime ministers — have been arrested and tried on corruption charges.
President Iajuddin Ahmed declared a state of emergency and appointed a nonparty interim government last January following weeks of violent protests ahead of scheduled general elections.
Khan, who was born in Bangladesh, said the government should ensure freedom of expression and the media, uphold the right of assembly and treat corruption suspects fairly.
"The government wants to build a new Bangladesh, where there will be justice for all and no corruption," Khan told reporters. "But the government, too, has to work in a similar way."
There was no immediate comment from the government. Khan is to meet government leaders on Tuesday and Wednesday, her office said.
Khan said everyone has a right to a fair trial, and human rights are applicable to all, even corrupt politicians.She said governments since the country's 1971 birth have failed to address human rights violations or punish perpetrators.
"Bangladesh has a turbulent history. There is a culture of impunity, there is no accountability for human rights violations committed by the state," she said. Khan said law enforcers should be held accountable for arbitrary arrests and imprisonment, and torture and deaths in custody.
At least 184 people died in the hands of security forces last year, according to a report compiled by Odhikar, a local human rights group. Khan, who arrived in Bangladesh on Wednesday, said the country now "has a window of opportunity" to initiate institutional changes to promote human rights.
আন্তর্জাতিক মানবাধিকার সংস্থার প্রধান অ্যামনেস্টি ইন্টারন্যাশনালের প্রধান আইরিন খান এখন ঢাকা সফর করছেন। গত বছর সামরিক বাহিনীর হস্তক্ষেপের পর আইরিন খানের এটি হচ্ছে বাংলাদেশে প্রথম সফর। বর্তমান সামরিক সরকারের আমলে মানবাধিকার লংঘনের ঘটনাগুলো তিনি সরে জমিনে অনুসন্ধান করবেন। আগামী ১০ই জানুয়ারী তার ঢাকাতে একটি সংবাদ সম্মেলন করার কথা।
তিনি তত্বাবধায়ক সরকারকে যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচার শুরু করার আহবান জানান। বিডিনিউজ জানাচ্ছে, আইরিন খান বলেন, "যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচারের বিষয়ে তত্ত্বাবধায়ক সরকারের প্রাথমিক পদক্ষেপ পরবর্তী নির্বাচিত সরকারকে বিষয়টি এগিয়ে নেওয়ার ক্ষেত্রে সহযোগিতা করবে।" যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচারের বিষয়ে অ্যামনেস্টি ইন্টারন্যাশনাল তাদের অভিজ্ঞতা দিয়ে বর্তমান সরকারকে সহায়তা করবেন বলে তিনি জানান। উদাহরণ হিসেবে তিনি লাতিন আমেরিকা, কম্বোডিয়া ও আফ্রিকার প্রসঙ্গ টেনে আনেন। দেশে বেশ কিছুদিন ধরেই যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচারের দাবি জোরালোভাবে উচ্চারিত হয়ে আসছে। অ্যামনেস্টি ইন্টারন্যাশনাল এমন এক সময় যুদ্ধাপরাধের বিচারের দাবি তুললো যখন মুক্তিযোদ্ধা, রাজনীতিক থেকে শুরু করে সুশীল সমাজের প্রতিনিধিরা এ বিষয়ে ব্যবস্থা নিতে আওয়াজ তুলছেন।
আজকের সকালের চ্যানেল আইয়ে প্রচারিত সংবাদ প্রতিবেদনটি দেখুন:
Saturday, January 5, 2008
Amnesty International visits Bangladesh
Amnesty International visits Bangladesh
Date: January 4, 2007
Source: Amnesty International
An Amnesty International delegation, led by Secretary General Irene Khan, is making a special trip to Bangladesh to discuss human rights issues with members of its government, political parties and civil society.
The mission comes on the eve of the anniversary of 2007's declaration of the state of emergency. It is the first visit of an Amnesty International Secretary General to the country. The spotlight will be on the rule of law, with special focus on the institutional changes necessary to promote and protect human rights in Bangladesh.
Representatives of the delegation will visit Dhaka and Rajshahi and will meet with survivors of human rights violations and members of civil society. They will meet senior members of the caretaker government, including the Chief Adviser Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, the Adviser on Foreign Affairs, Dr. Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, and Adviser of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, Barrister Mainul Hosein.
The time of the meeting with General Moeen U Ahmed, the Chief of Army Staff, is still to be confirmed.
Mission highlights:
Saturday 5 January DHAKA
The delegation will meet with NGOs and other members of civil society to discuss the current human rights situation within the country.
Sunday 6 January RAJSHAHI
The delegation will carry out a field visit to Rajshahi, the scene of anti-government protests in August 2007.
The delegation will visit projects by BRAC (an international development organization) in Tangail and Rajshahi, focussing on their human rights, legal services, microfinance, health, education programmes.
Tuesday 8 January DHAKA
Irene Khan will meet Dr. Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury (Adviser on Foreign Affairs).
Irene Khan will deliver the keynote address at the event "Human rights: countering the disappointment of democracy" organized by Daily Star/Prothom Alo.
Wednesday 9 January DHAKA
Irene Khan will meet Barrister Mainul Hosein (Adviser of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs) and Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed (Chief Advisor of caretaker government).
Irene Khan will launch Amnesty International's new Bangla website during a discussion on freedom of expression.
Thursday 10 January DHAKA
Irene Khan will hold a press conference at the Sheraton Hotel, Dhaka, to present the findings of her visit.
Friday, January 4, 2008
Bangladesh Seminar at Hudson Institute
Broken Pendulum: Bangladesh's Swing to Radicalism
January 11, 2008, 12:00 PM -2:00 PM
Hudson Institute, Washington, D.C. Headquarters
Source: Hudson Institute
On January 11th 2008, one year will have passed since a State of Emergency was declared in Bangladesh. The country was driven to the brink of civil war by violent protests against electoral fraud. To the relief of many, the army stepped in and effectively saved Bangladesh from descent into chaos.
The Bangladesh Army's takeover of the political system came at a heavy price: a native democratic system that had lasted more than fifteen years was forcibly ended. More ominously, the takeover inadvertently legitimized and strengthened Islamist radicalism in Bangladesh.
Hudson Senior Fellow Maneeza Hossain's new book Broken Pendulum: Bangladesh's Swing to Radicalism, (Hudson Institute Press) explores the background and factors contributing to a process of radicalization, not merely religious but broadly cultural, in Bangladesh.
Before the military assumed power, Bangladesh appeared to be a model for democratic development, not only in South Asia but across the Muslim world. Still, the story of Bangladesh is not merely one of a promising democratic model that has failed. The world community cannot afford to ignore the developments in Bangladesh, as remote as this South Asian nation seems. In our globalized world, radical successes in Bangladesh can inspire similar movements elsewhere, including India, Europe and even the United States.
On the anniversary of the military take-over that Bangladesh has witnessed on January 11th 2007, this meeting seeks to assess the results of Bangladesh's first year away from democracy.
Discussants will include Hossain and Husain Haqqani, Co-Chair of Hudson's Islam and Democracy Project.
Tebhaga, Garments Workers and Emergency Rule
Thursday, January 3, 2008
Sheikh Hasina going abroad for treatment!!
Hasina willing to go abroad for treatment: prisons official
Dhaka, Jan 2 (bdnews24.com) – Former prime minister Sheikh Hasina is willing to go abroad for medical treatment, a top prisons official said Wednesday night.
Inspector general (prisons) brigadier general Md Zakir Hassan told bdnews24.com that he had discussed the issue of treatment with Hasina when he visited her in special jail Monday night.
But the Jail Code does not allow authorities to send any accused person abroad for medical treatment, Hassan said.
The prisons official quoted Hasina as saying that she had earlier travelled abroad for treatment and wanted to do so this time too.
Barrister Fazle Noor Tapash, a lawyer for Hasina, told bdnews24.com that he was not aware of Hasina's wish to go abroad for treatment.
"We last met her on Dec 31. Nothing was discussed at the time. Everything depends on the government. Everything depends on what the government really wants," he said.
Earlier in the day, law adviser Mainul Hosein said the government would consider sending Hasina and another former prime minister, Khaleda Zia, abroad for better treatment if it were approached by their parties.
"If there are such (formal) proposals, legal aspects would be examined on the matter," Mainul told reporters in his Bangladesh Secretariat office.
"But we are yet to get any such proposal," he said.
Acting Awami League president Zillur Rahman Tuesday demanded that the caretaker administration send the detained party chief abroad for better treatment.
The adviser said there were options, including release on parole. He would not elaborate.
Deputy inspector general (prisons) Major Shamsul Haider Siddiqui said authorities would form a medical board for Hasina, if necessary.
Concern over the health of Hasina emerged after she had left the proceedings of an extortion case against her in court on Monday, feeling ill. She was not taken to court from special jail for a further hearing Tuesday.
